Thursday, August 22, 2024

The history of citizenship in India

Sailen Routray



The book under review tries to make sense of the puzzle that is citizenship in India by discussing three aspects of the idea of citizenship that are answers to three questions: who is a citizenship (citizenship as legal status); what does a citizen have (citizenship as rights); and who/what does the citizen belong to (citizenship as identity).  

Traditionally, the book argues, jurisprudence has been the site of battles surrounding legal status of citizenship; civil society has been the locale of struggles surrounding citizenship rights; and, the rough and tumble of politics have been the stage of negotiations surrounding citizenship as identity. These three aspects are framed around three key debates. 

The first set of debates surrounding citizenship in India revolve around a debate between two conflicting principles of citizenship: birth (jus soli) and blood-based descent (jus sanguinis). Citizenship in British India was inflected with the markers of race and class, and carried a moral and pedagogic purpose. The nationalist challenge to the colonial imperatives of citizenship (almost fictional in a classical sense), was not so much political as an effort to change the nature of the moral charge of citizenship. 

From obedience to the colonial state, for the nationalist elite, citizenship came to stand in (stemming from for an internalisation of the liberal universalism that was the ethical justification of the empire) resistance to a state that did not respect the rights of the individual. 

This universalist logic girded the ideas of the constitution that came into being in 1950; but the formal granting of a remarkable set of civil and political rights (including universal adult suffrage) was marred by the shadow of partition. Through legislative measures such as the Abducted Persons Act that tried to ‘recover’ Hindu women abducted by Muslims in Pakistan, the political state subverted the constitution by providing a biological marker of citizenship for such women. 

Such an initial bias has become increasingly more pronounced; an egregious example of this is the stripping up of rights of long standing residents in Assam (with all the documentary evidence of citizenship) merely because they happen to be children of Muslim migrants from Bangladesh.

The vision of the constitution promulgated in 1950 was more secular and universalistic. The debates and politics that produced this document produced voluminous arguments about whether the mere granting of formal civic and political rights in a deeply stratified and iniquitous society like India was enough, or should the constitution grant a set of justiciable socio-economic rights such as right to work as well. 

The principal objections to including socio-economic rights as justiciable fundamental rights in the constitution were framed around practicality and constitutional legality. As a final compromise, the constitution included substantive socio-economic rights in a separate section of the constitution called, ‘Directives Principles of State Policy’. 

These, although non-justiciable’, expressed the fond desire by the makers of the constitution that the political would act as a transformative engine that would carry ‘the social’ marked by tradition and inequities into socio-political modernity: this transformation was never achieved. 

But this debate still provides the infra-structure within which to carry on contemporary debates. For example, one of the key tropes through which the MNREGA (the law that guarantees right to work in India) has been critiqued is its ‘affordability’. 

A remarkable aspect of social citizenship in contemporary India is the fact that precisely when a certain movement of capital is poised to become hegemonic, a set of important socio-economic rights have been granted; these include the right to work, the right to food, and the right to education. The book frames this fact and discusses it in some detail, but fails to provide any substantive explanations of the same.

The third aspect of citizenship, that of identity, is discussed in the book through the concept of Group Differentiated Citizenship (GDC) as it maps out across the watershed of decolonisation.  Some aspects of GDC related to identity such that the privileges granted to the ‘Scheduled Tribes’ (STs) were initially provided as benedictions of colonial rule, whereas others like the demand for separate electorates for Muslims stemmed from fears in the minority community of majoritarian rule. 

Although the formation of Pakistan made a section of the nationalist elite sceptical of GDC, the constitution provided full civic and political rights to Muslims and provided reservations and other protections to SCs and STs. In the aftermath of independence these measures have made the leadership of the scheduled communities complacent and their overall effect has been to produce socio-political mobility without producing any significant improvements in the economic condition of these communities.      

In dealing with these three aspects of citizenship in India, the book takes a historical approach that maps the continuities and ruptures across the colonial divide. This magisterial history of citizenship in India suffers from two inadequacies.

First, it provides a history of citizenship without providing a history of the formal transformations of the state in India. Secondly, as an exercise of normative theory of politics, it hints at, but does not grapple with, a very important question: does the practice of politics exhaust ‘the ethical’ in a postcolony like India? 

The answers to this question have significant implications for the practice of citizenship in India. Despite these two reservations, it must be mentioned that the book braids together a diverse set of materials ranging from mid-colonial textbooks in civics, debates of the Constituent Assembly, judgements by various courts, reports by governmental agencies, and other diverse sources to provide a comprehensive and theoretically informed genealogy of the ideas and practices of citizenship in India. 

‘Citizenship and its discontents’ promises to become mandatory reference material and a classic in the study of politics in India. 

Details about the book
Niraja Gopal Jayal. 2013. Citizenship and its discontents: an Indian historyCambridge, Massachusettes and London, England: Harvard University Press. 366+viii pp.,  ISBN 9780674066847

Note: A slightly different version of this book review was first published in Commonwealth and Comparative Politics 54(4), pp 571-573.

Thursday, August 15, 2024

ପୁଷ୍ପ ବର୍ଗ ୩-୪

ପାଲି 'ଧର୍ମପଦ'ର ଓଡ଼ିଆ ପଦ୍ୟାନୁବାଦ

ଅନୁବାଦକ - ଶୈଲେନ ରାଉତରାୟ


ଫଟୋ କ୍ରେଡ଼ିଟ୍ - ୱିକିମିଡିଆ କମନ୍ସ୍

ଓଡ଼ିଆ ପଦ୍ୟାନୁବାଦ

ଏହି ଶରୀରକୁ ଫେନ ସମ ଜ୍ଞାନ କରି 
ମରୀଚିକା ପ୍ରକୃତି ଏହାର ବୁଝି ପାରି 
ଯେଉଁ ବ୍ୟକ୍ତି ପୁଷ୍ପଯୁକ୍ତ ମାରର ଯେ ଶରେ
ଛେଦନ କରଇ ତାହାକୁ ଅଗ୍ରଭାଗରେ 
ମୃତ୍ୟୁରାଜାର ଅଦର୍ଶନ ହୁଏ ତାହାରେ ।୩।

ରାଗାଦି ପୁଷ୍ପମାନଙ୍କୁ ତୋଳୁଥିବା ନର
ବିଶେଷ ଭାବେ ଆସକ୍ତ ମନ ଅଟେ ଯା'ର ।।
ମହାଜଳଧାରା ସୁପ୍ତ ଗ୍ରାମ ନେଲା ପରି
ମୃତ୍ୟୁ ତା'କୁ ସେହିପରି ନେଇଯାଏ ଧରି ।୪।


ମୂଳ ପାଲି ପଦ

ଫେଣୂପମଂ କାୟମିମଂ ବିଦିତ୍ୱା ମରୀଚିଧମ୍ମଂ ଅଭିସମ୍ବୁଧାନୋ ।
ଛେତ୍ୱାନ ମାରସ୍ସ ପପୁପ୍ଫକାନି ଅଦସ୍ସନଂ ମଚ୍ଚୁରାଜସ୍ସ  ଗଚ୍ଛେ । ୩।

ପୁପ୍ଫାନି ହେବ ପଚିନନ୍ତଂ ବ୍ୟାସତ୍ତମନସଂ ନରଂ ।
ସୁତ୍ତଂ ଗାମ‌ଂ ମହୋଘୋ'ବ ମଚ୍ଚୁ ଆଦାୟ ଗଚ୍ଛତି ।୪। 

ଅନୁବାଦକୀୟ ଟୀକା: ଏହି ଅଧମ ଅନୁବାଦକକୁ ପାଲି ଜଣା ନାହିଁ । ଏଣୁ ଏହି ପଦ୍ୟାନୁବାଦଟି ପାଇଁ ତାହାର ମୂଳ ସହାୟ ହେଲା  ପ୍ରଫେସର ପ୍ରହ୍ଲାଦ ପ୍ରଧାନଙ୍କ ଦ୍ୱାରା ସମ୍ପାଦିତ 'ପାଲି ଧର୍ମପଦ' ଗ୍ରନ୍ଥଟି, ଯେଉଁଥିରେ ସେ ସଂସ୍କୃତ ରୂପାନ୍ତର ସହ ଓଡ଼ିଆ ଗଦ୍ୟାନୁବାଦ କରିଯାଇଛନ୍ତି । ଗ୍ରନ୍ଥଟିର ପ୍ରଥମ ସଂସ୍କରଣ ୧୯୭୮ ମସିହାରେ ପ୍ରକାଶିତ । କିନ୍ତୁ ଏହି ଅନୁବାଦକ ୧୯୯୪ ମସିହାରେ କଟକସ୍ଥ ପ୍ରକାଶନ ସଂସ୍ଥା ଫ୍ରେଣ୍ଡ୍‌ସ୍‌ ପବ୍ଲିଶର୍ସ ଛାପିଥିବା ଦ୍ୱିତୀୟ ସଂସ୍କରଣଟି ବ୍ୟବହାର କରିଛି । ଏହା ଛଡ଼ା ଏହି ପଦ୍ୟାନୁବାଦ କରିବା ପାଇଁ 'ଦି ସେକ୍ରେଡ଼୍ ବୁକ୍ସ୍ ଅଫ୍ ଦି ଇଷ୍ଟ୍' ସିରିଜ୍‌ରେ ମାକ୍ସ୍ ମ୍ୟୁଲର୍‌ଙ୍କ ଦ୍ୱାରା ସମ୍ପାଦିତ 'ଦି ଧମ୍ମପଦ' ଇଂରାଜି ଗ୍ରନ୍ଥଟିର ୨୦୧୩ ମସିହାରେ ରୁଟ୍‌ଲେଜ୍ ଛାପିଥିବା ସଂସ୍କରଣଟିର ମଧ୍ୟ ବ୍ୟବହାର କରାଯାଇଛି ।

Thursday, August 8, 2024

Wall

Ramakanta Samantaray

Translated from Odia by Sailen Routray


Photo credit: commons.wikimedia.org/LBM1948

A beautiful, clean, white wall.

Shiny
Clear

When you had the time
while coming and going
you used to see the wall
clean, spotless.

Once you saw
there is a patch of dirt
sticking to the wall.
You picked up a rag doused with water
and scrubbed and scrubbed.
The dirt went, 
the spot remained.

The small spot 
on the white wall
now leaped at the eye
more and more.
It hurt the soul,
it hurt the mind.

I am reminding you
as you have forgotten.
You yourself had one day
whitewashed this old white wall 
for yourself.

Note: The Odia original of this translated poem is sourced from the poetry collection 'Asaranti rekhachitra', published in 2022 by Bhubaneswar-based publication house Barsha Publication. The poet Ramakanta Samantaray, born in 1972, has studied painting at the Bibhuti Kanungo College of Art and Craft (Bhubaneswar), and Odia Literature and Language at the Utkal University (Bhubaneswar). His doctoral work was a meditation on contemporary theatre in Odia. With this combination of literature, language, and the visual arts, he has been constantly working to create hybrid narratives. Apart from being a painter, he has also published fifteen books, including collections of poems and short stories, and novels. He has written and published articles on art, artists, and monographs in Odia. He presently lives and works in Bhubaneswar. 

Thursday, August 1, 2024

ବର୍ଣ୍ଣନାର ରାଜନୀତି ଏବଂ ରାଜନୀତିର ବର୍ଣ୍ଣନା

ଏକ ସମୀକ୍ଷାୟନ

ଶୈଲେନ ରାଉତରାୟ

ଫଟୋ କ୍ରେଡ଼ିଟ୍ - ୱିକିମିଡିଆ କମନ୍ସ୍/ ଗୋପାଲନ୍ ଇଭିଆର୍

ଜାଗାର ନାଁମାନଙ୍କର ନିଜସ୍ୱ ଆୱାଜ୍ ଥାଏ । ବିଭିନ୍ନ ଜାଗାର ନାଁ ଭିନ୍ନ ଭିନ୍ନ ପ୍ରକାରରେ କାନରେ ବାଜେ । ଧରନ୍ତୁ ପୁରୀ କହିଲେ କାନକୁ ଆସେ ଅମାନିଆ ସମୁଦ୍ରର ନିରନ୍ତର ଗର୍ଜନ । କଟକ ବୋଲି କେଉଁଠି ପଢ଼ିଦେଲେ ରିକ୍ସାବାଲାର ଘଣ୍ଟି ସହିତ ମିଶା ବେସୁମାରି ଜନଗହଳିର ସ୍ୱର ଧସେଇ ଆସି କାନେ ପଶିଯାଏ । 

ସ୍ଥାନର ନାଁମାନେ କେବଳ ଭିନ୍ନ ଭିନ୍ନ ପ୍ରକାରର ଆୱାଜ୍ ତୋଳିଧରନ୍ତି ତା’ ନୁହେଁ । ସେମାନେ ଅନେକ ସମୟରେ ଆମ ଆଗରେ ଚିତ୍ରମାନ ମଧ୍ୟ ଆଙ୍କିଯାଆନ୍ତି । ତିବ୍ବତ ବୋଇଲେ ଯେପରି ସୂର୍ଯ୍ୟର ଆଲୁଅରେ ଧଉଳା ବରଫଢଙ୍କା ପାହାଡ଼ି ଇଲାକାର ଏକ ଚାଇନିଜ୍ ରାଇସ୍ ପେଣ୍ଟିଙ୍ଗ୍ । ଟିମ୍ବକ୍‌ଟୁ ନାମଟି ସେହିପରି ଆମ ଆଖି ଆଗରେ ଏକ ରହସ୍ୟମୟ ପ୍ରାଚୀନ ସହରର ଛବିଟିଏ ଆପେଆପେ ଆଙ୍କେ ।

ସେପରି କଳାହାଣ୍ଡି କହିଲେ ଆମ ଆଖିଆଗରେ କେଉଁ ଚିତ୍ର ଭାସି ଉଠେ? ଏହି ପ୍ରଶ୍ନର ଉତ୍ତରକୁ ନେଇ ବହୁମତର ସମ୍ଭାବନା କ୍ଷୀଣ । କଳାହାଣ୍ଡି ଶବ୍ଦଟି କହିଲେ କିମ୍ବା ପଢ଼ିଲେ ଆମ ଆଖି ଆଗରେ ଭାସି ଉଠନ୍ତି ମାଇଲ୍ ମାଇଲ୍ ବ୍ୟାପୀ ଫଟା, ଦନ୍ତୁରିତ ବିଲ, ଅଗଣନ କଙ୍କାଳସାର ଗୋରୁଗାଈ, ଜଳ-ଅନ୍ନ ବିହୁନେ ତ୍ରାହି ତ୍ରାହି ଡାକୁଥିବା ଜନସାଧାରଣ । 

ବେଳେବେଳେ ନିର୍ଦ୍ଧିଷ୍ଟ ସ୍ଥାନକୁ ନେଇ କେତେଗୁଡ଼ିଏ ଚିତ୍ର ଐତିହାସିକ ଦୁର୍ଘଟଣାକୁ ଭିତ୍ତିକରି ଗଢ଼ି ଉଠେ । ମାତ୍ର ଅନ୍ୟ କେତେକ ସମୟରେ ଏହିପରି ଚିତ୍ରଗଠନ ପଛରେ ନିର୍ଦ୍ଧିଷ୍ଟ ଐତିହାସିକ ପ୍ରକ୍ରିୟା କାମ କରୁଥାଏ । 

ଗୋଟିଏ ଭିନ୍ନ ସନ୍ଦର୍ଭରେ ମଧ୍ୟ-ପ୍ରାଚ୍ୟ ସମ୍ପର୍କରେ ଏପରି ଚିତ୍ରଗଠନର ପ୍ରକ୍ରିୟା ତଥା ଏହି ପ୍ରକ୍ରିୟାର ରାଜନୈତିକ କ୍ରମପରିଣାମ ସମ୍ପର୍କରେ ଏଡ଼ୱାର୍ଡ୍ ସଏଦ୍ ତାଙ୍କର ବହୁଚର୍ଚ୍ଚିତ ପୁସ୍ତକ ‘ଓରିଣ୍ଟୋଲିଜମ୍‌’ରେ ଆମକୁ ବିସ୍ତୃତ ଭାବରେ ଚେତାଇ ଦେଇଛନ୍ତି । ଏହି ପରିପ୍ରେକ୍ଷୀରେ ଗତ କେଇ ଦଶନ୍ଧି ମଧ୍ୟରେ ଏକ ଭୌଗୋଳିକ ଅଞ୍ଚଳ ବାବଦରେ କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିର ଏକ ନିର୍ଦ୍ଧିଷ୍ଟ ପ୍ରକାରର ଚିତ୍ରଗଠନକୁ ଆମେ କିପରି ଭାବରେ ଆକଳନ କରିବା?

ଏହି ସମୀକ୍ଷାୟନରେ ଆଲୋଚ୍ୟ ତିନୋଟିଯାକ ବହି କଳାହାଣ୍ଡି ଉପରେ । ଅର୍ଥାତ୍, ତିନଟିଯାକ ଗ୍ରନ୍ଥ କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିର ସମାଜ, ସଂସ୍କୃତି ତଥା ବିକାଶର ଇତିହାସକୁ ନିଜର ଭିତ୍ତି ଭାବରେ ଗ୍ରହଣ କରନ୍ତି । ପ୍ରଥମେ ଉଲ୍ଲେଖ କରିବା ଓଡ଼ିଆ ଲୋକସଂସ୍କୃତିର ଦରଦୀ ଆଲୋଚକ ଶ୍ରୀଯୁକ୍ତ ମହେନ୍ଦ୍ର କୁମାର ମିଶ୍ରଙ୍କ ଦ୍ୱାରା ରଚିତ ‘କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିର ଲୋକ ସଂସ୍କୃତି’ର । ଛୋଟ ଛୋଟ ଅକ୍ଷରରେ ଛପା ହୋଇଥିବା ବହିଟି ୪୩୫ପୃଷ୍ଠା (ଗ୍ରନ୍ଥସୂଚୀ ତଥା ଶବ୍ଦାର୍ଥ ସହିତ) ଲମ୍ବା । 

ବହିର ଦୈର୍ଘ୍ୟରୁ ଏହା ବୋଧେ ସ୍ପଷ୍ଟ ଯେ, ବହିଟି ଅତି ସହଜରେ କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିର ଲୋକ ସଂସ୍କୃତି ସମ୍ପର୍କରେ ଏକ ବିଶ୍ୱକୋଷ ରୂପରେ ନିଜକୁ ଦାବୀଦାର ଭାବେ ଉପସ୍ଥାପିତ କରିପାରିବ । ବହିଟିର ପ୍ରଥମ ଦୁଇଟି ଅଧ୍ୟାୟ କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିର ଇତିହାସ ତଥା ସାମାଜିକ ଜୀବନ ଉପରେ ଅନେକ ଦୁଷ୍ପ୍ରାପ୍ୟ ସାମଗ୍ରୀକୁ ଏକାଠି କରିବାରେ ସଫଳ ହୋଇଛି । 

ମାତ୍ର ଏହି ଐତିହାସିକ ତଥା ସାମାଜିକ ଉତ୍ସ-ସାମଗ୍ରୀର ସଙ୍ଗଠନର ଢାଞ୍ଚା ଏତେଟା ସ୍ପଷ୍ଟ ନୁହେଁ । ପଶ୍ଚିମ ଓଡ଼ିଶାର ଅନେକ ଅଞ୍ଚଳ, ବିଶେଷତଃ କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିର, ଗତ ଦୁଇଶହ ବର୍ଷର, ଇତିହାସ ମୁଖ୍ୟତଃ ଆଦିବାସୀମାନଙ୍କର ରାଜନୈତିକ ଇତିହାସ । ଏହା ସେମାନଙ୍କର କ୍ରମବର୍ଦ୍ଧିଷ୍ଣୁ ହାରରେ କ୍ଷୟର ଏକ ବିବରଣୀ । 

ସ୍ଥାନୀୟ ଦଳିତ-ଆଦିବାସୀ ସମାଜର କ୍ଷମତାକ୍ଷୟର କାହାଣୀ ତେଣୁକରି ଏ ଅଞ୍ଚଳ ବିଷୟରେ ଆମର ଐତିହାସିକ ଅବବୋଧର କେନ୍ଦ୍ରରେ ରହିବା ଆବଶ୍ୟକ । ଏ ସମ୍ପର୍କରେ ଐତିହାସିକ ଫଣିନ୍ଦମ୍ ଦେଓଙ୍କର କାମର ଉଲ୍ଲେଖ କରାଯାଇପାରେ (ଦେଓ ୧୯୯୦) ।

‘କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିର ଲୋକ ସଂସ୍କୃତି’ରେ ଅନେକ କଷ୍ଟରେ ସଙ୍ଗୃହିତ ସାମଗ୍ରୀକୁ ଏକାଠି କରାଯାଇଛି । ଏକତ୍ରିତ ସାମଗ୍ରୀର ଉତ୍ସ ଉଭୟ ଐତିହାସିକ ତଥା ନୃତାତ୍ତ୍ୱିକ । ହେଲେ ଐତିହାସିକ ତଥା ନୃତାତ୍ତ୍ୱିକ ତତ୍ତ୍ୱ ସହିତ ବହିଟିର ବାର୍ତ୍ତାଳାପ ଏକପାଖିଆ ତଥା ଖାପଛଡ଼ା ଲାଗେ । 

ମିଶ୍ର ମହାଶୟଙ୍କର ଲୋକ ବା ଫୋକ୍ ସମ୍ବନ୍ଧୀୟ ଅବବୋଧ ରବର୍ଟ୍ ରେଡ଼୍‌ଫିଲ୍ଡ୍‌ଙ୍କର ୧୯୪୦ ଦଶକର କ୍ଲାସିକ୍ ପାଖରେ ହିଁ ଅଟକି ଯାଇଛି । ଯଦିଓ ତାହା ପରେ ହୋଇଥିବା ଅନେକ କାମର ମହାଶୟ ରେଫରେନ୍ସ୍ ଦେଇଛନ୍ତି, କାମର ତାତ୍ତ୍ୱିକ ଭିତ୍ତି କିନ୍ତୁ ରେଡ଼୍‌ଫିଲ୍ଡ୍‌ ମହୋଦୟଙ୍କ ପାଖରେ ଅଟକି ପଡ଼ିଛି । ଏପରି ହେବାରେ କିଛି ଦୋଷ ନାହିଁ । ମାତ୍ର ତାତ୍ତ୍ୱିକ ଢାଞ୍ଚା ବାଛିବା ସମୟରେ ନିଜର ପକ୍ଷପାତିତାକୁ କାରଣ ଦେଇ ଦର୍ଶାଇବାର ଆଶା ଆମେ ମହେନ୍ଦ୍ର ମିଶ୍ରଙ୍କ ପରି ଜଣେ ପୋଖତ ଗବେଷକଙ୍କଠାରୁ ରଖିବା ନିଶ୍ଚୟ ।

ସାମାଜିକ ନୃତତ୍ତ୍ୱବିଦ୍ୟା ଗତ ଦୁଇ-ତିନି ଦଶନ୍ଧି ଭିତରେ ନିଜର ଗଡ଼୍‌ଡାଳିକାରୁ ବାହାରି ଆସି ଥିବାରୁ ତଦ୍-ନିହିତ ଫୋକ୍ ବା ଲୋକର ଅବଧାରଣା ମଧ୍ୟ ବଦଳି ଆସିଲାଣି । ତିରିଶି, ଚାଳିଶ ବର୍ଷ ପୂର୍ବ ପର୍ଯ୍ୟନ୍ତ ଫୋକ୍ ବୋଇଲେ ଆଦିବାସୀ, ଗ୍ରାମୀଣ ଓ ଆଞ୍ଚଳିକ ସଂସ୍କୃତିକୁ ହିଁ ବୁଝାଉଥିଲା । 

ବର୍ତ୍ତମାନ ସମାଜଶାସ୍ତ୍ର ତଥା ନୃତତ୍ତ୍ୱ ବିଦ୍ୟାରେ ଫୋକ‌୍‌ର ଅବଧାରଣା ନୂଆ ନୂଆ ବିଭାବକୁ ପରିବ୍ୟାପ୍ତ । ଫଳସ୍ୱରୂପ, ଆମେ ବର୍ତ୍ତମାନ ପାରମାଣବିକ ପଦାର୍ଥବିଜ୍ଞାନୀମାନଙ୍କର ଅର୍ଥନୀତି ସମ୍ପର୍କରେ ଫୋକ୍-ଅବଧାରଣା ବିଷୟକ ତାତ୍ତ୍ୱିକ ଆଲୋଚନା କରିପାରିବା ।

ମାତ୍ର ମିଶ୍ର ମହାଶୟଙ୍କର ଲୋକ ସଂସ୍କୃତି ଆଲୋଚନାରେ ଏହି ନୂଆ ଅବଧାରଣାମାନଙ୍କର ବିଶେଷ ପ୍ରତିଫଳନ ଦେଖିବାକୁ ମିଳେ ନାହିଁ । କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିରେ କେବଳ କନ୍ଧ, କୁଳୁଥିଆ କିମ୍ବା ଗଉଡ଼ମାନେ ନାହାନ୍ତି । ବ୍ରାହ୍ମଣ, ମାରୁୱାଡ଼ି ଏବଂ ରାଜପୁତ୍‌ମାନେ ମଧ୍ୟ ଅଛନ୍ତି । କନ୍ଧ ଓ ଡମ ଜାତିର ଲୋକମାନେ ଯେପରି ଗୋଟିଏ ଗୋଟିଏ ଜନଗୋଷ୍ଠୀ ବା ‘ଫୋକ୍’, ବ୍ରାହ୍ମଣ ଏବଂ ମାରୁୱାଡ଼ି ଜନଗୋଷ୍ଠୀମାନେ ମଧ୍ୟ ସେହିପରି ଭାବରେ ଗୋଟିଏ ଗୋଟିଏ ‘ଫୋକ୍’ ବା ଲୋକ ସଂସ୍କୃତିର ସ୍ରଷ୍ଟା ତଥା ବାହକ । 

ଏଣୁ କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିରେ ଗୋଟିଏ ବା ଗୋଟିଏ ପ୍ରକାରର ଲୋକସଂସ୍କୃତି ନାହିଁ । ବରଂ କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିର ସଂସ୍କୃତି ବିଭିନ୍ନ ଜନଗୋଷ୍ଠୀର ଭିନ୍ନ ଭିନ୍ନ ପରମ୍ପରାର ସଙ୍ଘାତରୁ ସୃଷ୍ଟ ଏକ ଉତ୍ପାଦ । ଏଣୁ ଆମେ ବ୍ରାହ୍ମଣାଦି ଜନଗୋଷ୍ଠୀମାନଙ୍କର ସଂସ୍କୃତିକୁ ମଧ୍ୟ ଲୋକସଂସ୍କୃତି ହିସାବରେ ହିଁ ଦେଖିବା କଥା । 

ରେଡ଼୍‌ଫିଲ୍ଡ୍‌ଙ୍କର କ୍ଷୁଦ୍ର ପରମ୍ପରା ତଥା ମହାନ ପରମ୍ପରାର ବିଭାଜନକୁ ଭାରତୀୟ ଭୂଇଁକୁ ବୁଝିବା ପାଇଁ ବ୍ୟବହାର କଲେ ଆମେ ବୋଧହୁଏ ଏହା ମନେ ରଖିବା ଯେ, ଗୋଟିଏ ଜନଗୋଷ୍ଠୀ (ଏ କ୍ଷେତ୍ରରେ ବ୍ରାହ୍ମଣମାନେ) ନିଜର ପରମ୍ପରାକୁ ଏକ ବୃହତ୍ତର, ସାର୍ବଜନୀନ ତଥା ମହାନ ପରମ୍ପରା ବୋଲି ଦାବି କଲେ, ସେ ଦାବୀ ଆପେ ଆପେ ଗୃହିତ ହୋଇଯାଏ ନାହିଁ । 

ଏହି ଦାବିର ଏକ ଇତିହାସ ମଧ୍ୟ ଅଛି । ଏବଂ ସେହି ଇତିହାସଟି କ୍ଷମତାର, ସଙ୍ଘାତର ଇତିହାସ । ଏଣୁ ଏସବୁ ପ୍ରତି ନୀରବ ରହିବାକୁ ଏହି ବହିଟିର ଗୋଟିଏ ବଡ଼ ଖୁଣ ହିସାବରେ ଦେଖିବା ।

ମାତ୍ର ଏସବୁ ସମସ୍ୟା ସତ୍ତ୍ୱେ, ଏ ବହିଟି ଲେଖିଥିବାରୁ ଶ୍ରୀଯୁକ୍ତ ମିଶ୍ର ଆମ ସମସ୍ତଙ୍କର ଧନ୍ୟବାଦର ପାତ୍ର । ବହି ପଛରେ ଥିବା ଶ୍ରମ ବହିଟିର ପ୍ରତ୍ୟେକ ପୃଷ୍ଠାରୁ ଉକୁଟି ଆସୁଛି । ଓଡ଼ିଶାର ପ୍ରତ୍ୟେକ ଅଞ୍ଚଳ ତଥା ଜିଲ୍ଲା ଉପରେ ଏପରି ଗୋଟିଏ ବହି ଲେଖା ହେବାର ଆବଶ୍ୟକତା ରହିଅଛି ।

କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିର ଲୋକ ସଂସ୍କୃତି ବହିଟିକୁ ଆମେ କଳାହାଣ୍ଡି ବିଷୟରେ ରଚିତ ସାହିତ୍ୟର ସନ୍ଦର୍ଭରେ ଦେଖିବାର ଆବଶ୍ୟକତା ରହିଛି । ଇଂରାଜୀ ଏବଂ ଅନ୍ୟ ଭାରତୀୟ ଭାଷାମାନଙ୍କରେ ହେଉଥିବା ସାହିତ୍ୟ, ସମାଜ, ସଂସ୍କୃତି, ଅର୍ଥନୀତି ତଥା ଇତିହାସ ସମ୍ବନ୍ଧରେ ଚର୍ଚ୍ଚାକୁ ଆମେ ଟିକିଏ ନିରେଖି ଚାହିଁଲେ ଏକ ଶ୍ରମ ବିଭାଜନ ଆମକୁ ସ୍ପଷ୍ଟ ଦିଶିଯିବ । 

ଭାରତୀୟ ଭାଷାମାନଙ୍କରେ ଲିଖିତ ବହି ପ୍ରଧାନତଃ ତଥ୍ୟସର୍ବସ୍ୱ । ଇଂରାଜୀରେ ଲିଖିତ ବହି ସବୁ ଅନେକାଂଶରେ ତତ୍ତ୍ୱସର୍ବସ୍ୱ । ଭାରତୀୟ ଭାଷାମାନଙ୍କର ଲିଖିତ ବହି ସବୁ ଲୋକସଂସ୍କୃତି, ଲୋକସାହିତ୍ୟ ଆଲୋଚନା କରୁଥିଲା ବେଳେ, ଆମର ରାଜନୈତିକ, ଆର୍ଥିକ ବାସ୍ତବତାକୁ ତତ୍ତ୍ୱର କଷଟିରେ ପରଖୁଥିବା ବହିଗୁଡ଼ିକ ଆମ ଭାଷାମାନଙ୍କରେ ହାତଗଣତି ସଙ୍ଖ୍ୟାରେ ଅଛନ୍ତି । ସେହିପରି ଏକ ଶ୍ରମ ବିଭାଜନକୁ ବୋଧହୁଏ ଆମେ କଳାହାଣ୍ଡି ବିଷୟରେ ଲିଖିତ ସାହିତ୍ୟରେ ମଧ୍ୟ ଭେଟିବାକୁ ପାଇବା ।

ସମୀକ୍ଷାଧିନ ଇଂରାଜୀ ପୁସ୍ତକ ଦୁଇଟିଯାକ କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିରେ କ୍ଷୁଧାର ରାଜନୀତି ଉପରେ ଆଧାରିତ । ମାତ୍ର ଭାରତରେ କ୍ଷୁଧାର ଆଲୋଚନା ପାଇଁ ଗବେଷକମାନଙ୍କୁ ଶ୍ରମ ସ୍ୱୀକାର କରି କଳାହାଣ୍ଡି ପର୍ଯ୍ୟନ୍ତ କାହିଁକି ଆସିବାକୁ ପଡ଼େ, ତାହା ବୋଧହୁଏ ମା ବୈତରଣୀ ହିଁ ଜାଣନ୍ତି । ଏ ଲେଖକ ଯେତେବେଳେ ବମ୍ବେଇ ନଗରୀରେ ସ୍ନାତକୋତ୍ତର ଶ୍ରେଣୀର ଛାତ୍ର ଥିଲା (୨୦୦୨-୨୦୦୪ ମସିହାରେ) ତେବେ ସେ ମହାନଗରୀର ୧୦୦ କି.ମି. ବ୍ୟାସାର୍ଦ୍ଧ ମଧ୍ୟରେ ହଜାର ହଜାର ସଙ୍ଖ୍ୟାରେ ଶିଶୁ କୁପୋଷଣର ଶିକାର ହୋଇ ଅସମୟରେ ମୃତ୍ୟୁବରଣ କରୁଥିବାର ରିପୋର୍ଟ୍ ସ୍ଥାନୀୟ ଖବରକାଗଜମାନଙ୍କରେ ନିୟମିତ ଦେଖିଛି । 

ଯେଉଁ ମହାନଗରୀର ଲୋକମାନଙ୍କର ଏହା ହେଲା ଏକ ଚରମ ଆତ୍ମବିଶ୍ୱାସ ଯେ, ସେ ନଗରୀରେ ଲୋକେ କେବେ ମଧ୍ୟ ଭୋକରେ ଶୁଅନ୍ତି ନାହିଁ, ସେ ନଗରୀର ବାଡ଼ିତଳେ ଯେ ହଜାର ହଜାର ସଙ୍ଖ୍ୟାରେ ଶିଶୁମାନେ କୁପୋଷଣରେ ନାଶ ଯାଆନ୍ତି, ସେହି ବିଷୟଟି ଗବେଷଣାର ଉପଲକ୍ଷ୍ୟ ହେବା କଥା ଉଚିତ ନିଶ୍ଚୟ? 

କିନ୍ତୁ ଗବେଷକମାନେ କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିକୁ କେବଳ କାହିଁକି କ୍ଷୁଧାର ରାଜନୀତିର ଅଧ୍ୟୟନ ପାଇଁ ଧାଡ଼ି ଲଗାନ୍ତି? କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିରେ କ୍ଷୁଧା ଅଛି, ତାହା ନିଶ୍ଚୟ । କିନ୍ତୁ କଟକର ବସ୍ତିରେ ମଧ୍ୟ କ୍ଷୁଧା ଅଛି । ଏପରିକି ଚିକାଗୋ ନଗରୀର କଳାଲୋକ ଅଧ୍ୟୁଷିତ ଅଞ୍ଚଳରେ ମଧ୍ୟ କ୍ଷୁଧା ଅଛି । 

ତେଣୁକରି କେଉଁ ଅଞ୍ଚଳଟି କ୍ଷୁଧା ଅଧ୍ୟୁଷିତ ଅଞ୍ଚଳ ବୋଲି ଚିତ୍ରିତ ହୁଏ, ତାହା ପଛରେ ଥିବା ବର୍ଣ୍ଣନାର ରାଜନୀତିର ଭିତ୍ତି ଖନନପାଇଁ ଆମକୁ ଆମ ରାଜନୀତିର ଏକ ସଠିକ୍ ବର୍ଣ୍ଣନା ଦେବାକୁ ପଡ଼ିବ । ଏଠାରେ ଆମେ ରାଜନୀତି ଶବ୍ଦଟିର ବ୍ୟବହାର ଏକ ବୃହତ୍ତର ଅର୍ଥରେ କରୁଅଛୁ ।

କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିର କ୍ଷୁଧା ଉପରେ, ଇଂରାଜୀ ଭାଷାରେ ଏକାଡେମିକ୍ ମନୋଗ୍ରାଫ୍ ଭାବରେ, ବବ୍ କ୍ୟୁରିଙ୍କର ବହିଟି ବୋଧହୁଏ ପ୍ରଥମ । ବହିଟି କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିର ବର୍ତ୍ତମାନର କ୍ଷୁଧା ତଥା ଅନାହାରର ଚିତ୍ରର ଏକ ଐତିହାସିକ ପରିପ୍ରେକ୍ଷୀ ଦେବାକୁ ଚେଷ୍ଟା କରେ । ଓଡ଼ିଶା ରାଜ୍ୟରେ ଛତରର ବ୍ୟବସ୍ଥା ତଥା ତାହାକୁ ନିୟନ୍ତ୍ରିତ କରୁଥିବା ନୀତିଗତ ବ୍ୟବସ୍ଥାକୁ ମଧ୍ୟ ଏହି ବହିଟି ଆମ ଆଗରେ ଅତି ସ୍ପଷ୍ଟ ଭାବରେ ତୋଳି ଧରେ ।

ମାତ୍ର ବହିଟି ନିଜର ଏକାଡେମିକ୍ ବିଷୟର ଗଡ଼୍ଡ଼ାଳିକା ମଧ୍ୟରେ ଅନେକାଂଶରେ ଆବଦ୍ଧ । ଯେହେତୁ କ୍ୟୁରି ମହାଶୟ ରାଜନୀତି ବିଜ୍ଞାନର ଛାତ୍ର, ଅନେକ ସମୟରେ ବହିଟିରେ କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିର ସାମାଜିକ ତଥା ରାଜନୈତିକ ବାସ୍ତବତାର ଚର୍ଚ୍ଚା ଅମକେଇ, ସମକେଇ ରାଜନୈତିକ ତତ୍ତ୍ୱକୁ ଭୁଲ୍ କିମ୍ବା ଠିକ୍ ପ୍ରମାଣ କରିବା ମଧ୍ୟରେ ହିଁ ସୀମାବଦ୍ଧ । 

କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିରେ ଅନାହାରର କାରଣ ଖୋଜିବାକୁ ଯାଇ ଲେଖକ ଅନେକ ସମୟରେ ଏକ ରାଷ୍ଟ୍ରସର୍ବସ୍ୱ କଳ୍ପଲୋକ ମଧ୍ୟରେ ଅଟକି ଯାଇଛନ୍ତି । ତେଣୁକରି ସେ ବଡ଼ ବଡ଼ ସରକାରୀ ତଥା ବେସରକାରୀ କଳାକାର (ଉଭୟ ସଂସ୍ଥା ତଥା ବ୍ୟକ୍ତି) ମାନଙ୍କର କାମର ପ୍ରଭାବ ବିଷୟରେ ବେଶି ଆଲୋଚନା କରିଛନ୍ତି । ଅନେକ ସମୟରେ କ୍ୟୁରି ମହାଶୟ ଯେ କେଉଁ ତାତ୍ତ୍ୱିକ ଅବଧାରଣାକୁ ଆଶ୍ରୟ କରି ସମ୍ବାଦ-ବିସମ୍ବାଦ କରୁଛନ୍ତି, ତାହା ମଧ୍ୟ ସ୍ପଷ୍ଟ ନୁହେଁ ।

ବବ୍ କ୍ୟୁରି ବିରଚିତ ବହିଟି ତୁଳନାରେ ଡାନ୍ ବନିକ୍‌ଙ୍କର ବହିଟିର ଉଚ୍ଚାକାଂକ୍ଷା କମ୍ । ଏବଂ ସେ ଦୃଷ୍ଟିରୁ ବହିଟିର ଅଧ୍ୟୟନ ଅନେକାଂଶରେ ଅଧିକ ସନ୍ତୋଷଜନକ ।

ଦୁର୍ଭିକ୍ଷ ସମ୍ପର୍କରେ ଅମର୍ତ୍ତ୍ୟ ସେନ୍‌ଙ୍କର ତତ୍ତ୍ୱ ବର୍ତ୍ତମାନ ବହୁ ପ୍ରଚଳିତ ତଥା ଆଲୋଚିତ । ସେନ୍ ମହୋଦୟଙ୍କର ମୁଖ୍ୟ ଉପପାଦ୍ୟ ହେଲା ଯେ, ଗଣତାନ୍ତ୍ରିକ ଦେଶମାନଙ୍କରେ ଦୁର୍ଭିକ୍ଷ ହେବାର ସମ୍ଭାବନା ନାହିଁ କହିଲେ ଚଳେ । ଏହାର କାରଣ ହେଲା ଏହିକି ଯେ, ସ୍ୱାଧୀନ ଗଣମାଧ୍ୟମ ତଥା ବିରୋଧୀ ଦଳମାନଙ୍କର ଉପସ୍ଥିତି ଯୋଗୁଁ ଗଣତାନ୍ତ୍ରିକ ଦେଶମାନଙ୍କରେ ଦୁର୍ଭିକ୍ଷ ଏକ ଅସହ୍ୟ ବ୍ୟାପାର ହୋଇପଡ଼େ । ଯେଉଁ ଦଳର ଶାସନ କାଳରେ ଦୁର୍ଭିକ୍ଷ ଘଟିବ, ସେ ଦଳ ପୁଣି ଆଉ ଥରେ କ୍ଷମତାକୁ ଫେରିଆସିବା ଏକ କଷ୍ଟକର ବ୍ୟାପାର ।

ବନିକ୍ ମହାଶୟଙ୍କର ମୂଳ ପ୍ରଶ୍ନ ହେଲା, ଭାରତ ଭଳି ଗଣତାନ୍ତ୍ରିକ ଦେଶମାନଙ୍କରେ ସିନା ଦୁର୍ଭିକ୍ଷ ହେଉନାହିଁ । କିନ୍ତୁ କଳାହାଣ୍ଡି ପରି ଜାଗାରେ କୁପୋଷଣ ତଥା ଅନାହାରଜନିତ ମୃତ୍ୟୁକୁ ଆମେ କେଉଁ ଢାଞ୍ଚାରେ, କିପରି ବୁଝିବା? ତେଣୁକରି ସେ ଦୁର୍ଭିକ୍ଷ ସମ୍ପର୍କିତ ଶବ୍ଦାବଳୀକୁ ପାଞ୍ଚ ପ୍ରକାରରେ ବିଭକ୍ତ କରି ବର୍ଣ୍ଣନା କରନ୍ତି - କୁପୋଷଣ, ଅତି-କୁପୋଷଣ, ସମ୍ଭାବ୍ୟ ଦୁର୍ଭିକ୍ଷ, ଦୁର୍ଭିକ୍ଷ ତଥା ମହାଦୁର୍ଭିକ୍ଷ । 

ତାଙ୍କ ମତରେ କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିରେ କେବେ ଦୁର୍ଭିକ୍ଷ ହୋଇନାହିଁ । କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିର ଅନାହାର ମୃତ୍ୟୁଗୁଡ଼ିକୁ, ବନିକ ମହୋଦୟଙ୍କ ମତରେ, ଅତି-କୁପୋଷଣ ବୋଲି ବର୍ଣ୍ଣନା କରିବା ଉଚିତ । ଏହି ପରିସ୍ଥିତି କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିରେ ପ୍ରତିବର୍ଷ ନିର୍ଦ୍ଧିଷ୍ଟ ଋତୁରେ ଲାଗିରହେ । ଏବଂ ଏହା ଜନସଙ୍ଖ୍ୟାର କେତୋଟି ନିର୍ଦ୍ଧିଷ୍ଟ ଅଂଶକୁ ହିଁ ପ୍ରଭାବିତ କରେ । ଏହା ଫଳରେ ଏହି ଗୋଷ୍ଠୀମାନଙ୍କ ପାଖରେ ଥିବା ସାଧାରଣ ଖାଦ୍ୟର ପରିମାଣ କମିଯାଏ । ଲୋକେ ଖାଦ୍ୟର ବିକଳ୍ପ ଖୋଜି ବୁଲନ୍ତି । ଏବଂ ଶିଶୁ ମୃତ୍ୟୁହାର ଏବଂ ସାଧାରଣ ମୃତ୍ୟୁହାର ବଢ଼ିଯାଏ । 

କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିର ଏହି ଅନୁଭୂତିର କାରଣ ଖୋଜି ବନିକ୍ ପ୍ରଶାସନିକ କାର୍ଯ୍ୟାବଳୀ, କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିକୁ ନେଇ ଆଇନଗତ ଦଉଡ଼ିଟଣା ଖେଳ, ଖବର-କାଗଜମାନଙ୍କର ଭୂମିକା, ପାର୍ଲାମେଣ୍ଟରେ ରାଜନେତାମାନଙ୍କର କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିକୁ ନେଇ ବିତର୍କ, ତଥା କେନ୍ଦ୍ର-ରାଜ୍ୟ ରାଜନୀତିର ବିସ୍ତୃତ ଆଲୋଚନା କରନ୍ତି । 

ଏହା ପରେ କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିର ପରିସ୍ଥିତିକୁ ନେଇ ପଶ୍ଚିମବଙ୍ଗର ପୁରୁଲିଆ ଜିଲ୍ଲା (ଯାହା ଏକ ଆଦିବାସୀ ଅଧ୍ୟୁଷିତ, ଗରିବ ଅଞ୍ଚଳ) ସହିତ ଏକ ସଂକ୍ଷିପ୍ତ ତୁଳନା କରନ୍ତି । କଳାହାଣ୍ଡି ଓ ପୁରୁଲିଆର ଭୌଗୋଳିକ ପରିସ୍ଥିତି ପୁରା ସମାନ ନଥିଲେ ମଧ୍ୟ, ଏକା ପରି । ପୁରୁଲିଆରେ ମଧ୍ୟ ନିୟମିତ ମରୁଡ଼ି ହୁଏ । ପୁରୁଲିଆରେ ବି ଦଳିତ-ଆଦିବାସୀଙ୍କର ସଙ୍ଖ୍ୟା ଅଧିକ । ଏ ସବୁ ସତ୍ତ୍ୱେ ପୁରୁଲିଆରେ ଅନାହାର ମୃତ୍ୟୁ ହୁଏ ନାହିଁ । 

ଏହାର କାରଣ ଖୋଜିବାକୁ ଯାଇ ବନିକ୍ ମହାଶୟ ପଶ୍ଚିମବଙ୍ଗର ସ୍ଥାନୀୟ ପଞ୍ଚାୟତିରାଜ ବ୍ୟବସ୍ଥାର ଶକ୍ତି ଓ ସାମର୍ଥ୍ୟ, ବାମପନ୍ଥୀ ସରକାରର ଅମଲାତନ୍ତ୍ର ଉପରେ ନିୟନ୍ତ୍ରଣ (ଯାହା ଏହାକୁ ଅଧିକ ଲୋକାଭିମୁଖୀ କରିଛି) ତଥା ଭୂ-ସଂସ୍କାର ବୋଲି ଦର୍ଶାନ୍ତି । 

ଏହି ଆଲୋଚନା ଦ୍ୱାରା ସେ ଆହୁରି ମଧ୍ୟ ପ୍ରତିପାଦିତ କରିବାକୁ ଚେଷ୍ଟାକରନ୍ତି ଯେ, ଅଳ୍ପ କେତୋଟି ପରିମାର୍ଜନ ସହିତ ଆମେ ସେନ୍‌ଙ୍କର ଦୁର୍ଭିକ୍ଷ ସମ୍ବନ୍ଧୀୟ ଅବଧାରଣା ତଥା ତତ୍ତ୍ୱକୁ ଏବେ ମଧ୍ୟ ବ୍ୟବହାର କରିପାରିବା ।

କିନ୍ତୁ ଏହି ସମୀକ୍ଷକ ଉଭୟ ପୁସ୍ତକର ଆଲୋଚନା ସହିତ ସନ୍ତୁଷ୍ଟ ନୁହେଁ । କାରଣ ଉଭୟ ବହି ଭାରତୀୟ ସମାଜ ଆଲୋଚନାର ଏକ ପ୍ରଭାବଶାଳୀ ରାଷ୍ଟ୍ରଭିତ୍ତିକ କଳ୍ପଲୋକର ଅଂଶ । ଏଥିରୁ ସମାଜଚର୍ଚ୍ଚାକୁ ମୁକ୍ତ କରିବାର ଆବଶ୍ୟକତା ରହିଛି । 

ଏଭଳି ଏକ ଉଦ୍ୟମର ଦୁଇଟି ଅଂଶ ରହିବ । ପ୍ରଥମଟି ହେଲା ରାଷ୍ଟ୍ରନାମକ ବ୍ଲାକ୍ ବକ୍ସ୍ ଭିତରକୁ ନିରେଖି ଚାହିଁ ରାଷ୍ଟ୍ର ବୋଇଲେ ଜିନିଷଟି କ’ଣ ତାହା ଜାଣିବାକୁ ଚେଷ୍ଟା କରିବା । ଦ୍ୱିତୀୟଟି ହେଲା ଅଣ-ରାଷ୍ଟ୍ର ସାମାଜିକ କଳାକାରମାନଙ୍କର କାର୍ଯ୍ୟାବଳୀର ବିସ୍ତୃତ, ନୃତାତ୍ତ୍ୱିକ, ଦରଦୀ ବିବରଣୀ ଯୋଗାଇବା । 

ଏହା ଫଳରେ, ରାଷ୍ଟ୍ର ସ୍ୱୟଂ ନରହରି ଏବଂ ବାକି ଆମେ ସମସ୍ତେ ଯେ ମୃଗୀ, ସେହି ଧାରଣାର ମାୟାରୁ ମୁକ୍ତି ମିଳିପାରିବ । କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିର ପରିପ୍ରେକ୍ଷୀରେ ଏପରି କଲେ ଆମେ, ଉଦାହରଣସ୍ୱରୂପ, ଚାଉଳ ବ୍ୟବସାୟର ରୂପ ଏବଂ ଚରିତ୍ରର ଆଲୋଚନା କରିବା । କେବଳ ସରକାରୀ ବଣ୍ଟନ ବ୍ୟବସ୍ଥା କାହିଁକି କାମ କରୁନାହିଁ, ତାହାର ଚର୍ଚ୍ଚିତଚର୍ବଣ ଆଲୋଚନାରେ ଆମେ ଆଉ ଅଟକି ଯିବା ନାହିଁ । ଏହି ପ୍ରକ୍ରିୟାଟି ଯେତେ ଶୀଘ୍ର ଆରମ୍ଭ ହେବ, ସେତେ ମଙ୍ଗଳ ।

ସମୀକ୍ଷାୟନରେ ବ୍ୟବହୃତ ଗ୍ରନ୍ଥମାନଙ୍କର ବିବରଣୀ

ମିଶ୍ର, ମହେନ୍ଦ୍ର କୁମାର ।୧୯୯୬ । କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିର ଲୋକ ସଂସ୍କୃତି । ଫ୍ରେଣ୍ଡସ୍ ପବ୍ଲିଶର୍ସ: କଟକ ।

କ୍ୟୁରି, ବବ୍ । ୨୦୦୦ । ‘ଦି ପଲିଟିକ୍ସ ଅଫ୍ ହଙ୍ଗର ଇନ୍ ଇଣ୍ଡିଆ: ଅ ଷ୍ଟଡ଼ି ଅଫ୍ ଡେମୋକ୍ରାସୀ, ଗଭର୍ଣ୍ଣାନାସ୍ ଆଣ୍ଡ କଳାହାଣ୍ଡିସ୍ ପଭର୍ଟି’ । ମ୍ୟାକ୍ସ୍‌ମିଲାନ୍ ଇଣ୍ଡିଆ ଲିମିଟେଡ଼୍: ଚେନ୍ନାଇ ।

ବାନିକ୍, ଡାନ୍ । ୨୦୦୮ । ‘ଷ୍ଟାରଭେସନ୍ ଆଣ୍ଡ ଇଣ୍ଡିଆସ୍ ଡେମୋକ୍ରାସୀ’ । ରୁଟ୍ଲେଜ୍: ନ୍ୟୁୟର୍କ ।

ଗ୍ରନ୍ଥସୂଚୀ

ଫଣିନ୍ଦମ ଦେଓ । ୧୯୯୦ । ଟହିଷ୍ଟ୍ରି ଅଫ୍ ଇଣ୍ଟରାକ୍ସନ୍ ବିଟୁଇନ୍ ଟ୍ରାଇବାଲ୍ ପିପୁଲ୍ସ୍ ଆଣ୍ଡ୍ ଦେୟାର୍ ସୋସିଓକଲ୍ଚରାଲ୍ ଏନ୍‌ଭିରନ୍‌ମେଣ୍ଟ୍ ଇନ୍ ଛତିଶଗଡ଼୍ ରିଜନ୍ । ପିଏଚ୍‌ଡ଼ି ଡିଗ୍ରି ପାଇଁ ଜୱାହରଲାଲ୍ ନେହେରୁ ବିଶ୍ୱବିଦ୍ୟାଳୟରେ ଜମା କରାଯାଇଥିବା ପି.ଏଚ୍‌.ଡି. ଥିସିସ୍ । 

ଟୀକା: ଏହି ଲେଖାଟି ପ୍ରଥମେ ପାକ୍ଷିକ ପତ୍ରିକା ‘ସମଦୃଷ୍ଟି’ରେ ପ୍ରକାଶିତ ହୋଇଥିଲା ।

Monday, July 29, 2024

The way to the tavern

Sailen Routray

Harivansh Rai Bachchan (1907–2003)
Photo credit: commons.wikimedia/org/Government of India

Around four months back, I was travelling with family from my mother's village back to Bhubaneswar. The occasion for the visit was my eldest mamu's first sraddha. 

The niece requested me to play something from my college days. In another trip I had played a few songs from the late 1990s and early 2000s. 

The numbers had included those by Indian bands like Silk Route and Indian Ocean, and Pakistani ones such as Junoon and Strings. Those times were a little less jingoistic. 

When I was thinking about what to play for her, I suddenly remembered what I absolutely must put on the stereo. When I was in college in Bhubaneswar, there was a period of a little more than one year, when I would play the Manna Dey rendition of 'Madhushala' on the tape recorder, every night before sleeping . 

To say that I was addicted to this particular rendition of the long poem is an understatement. The music by Jaidev has just the right amount and kind of instrumentation. The tune is lilting and melodious. And Manna Dey is Manna Dey. 

The cassette begins with the poet Harivansh Rai Bachchan himself singing 'Madiralay jane ko ghar se chalta hai peenewala/ 'Kis path se jaaoon' asmanjas main hai woh bholabhala/' - "To go the tavern, the drinker leaves his place/ a little confused and undecided is the simpleton, about the path to take./"

Over the last many weeks till that day, I had been a little perplexed about my own choices about the path to the tavern. A couple of years back, I committed myself to a particular way, after being initiated. 

Till then I had explored four different ones, for a few years on each, always feeling a little out of place. The one I walk on now, after many months of practice, had started seeming like a natural part of my life, like cooking, eating, and walking. So, I formally committed to it. 

After more than three years of practice till then, there was some joy in walking the path. But my pace had been slow, the movements clumsy, the goal of the tavern, ever further away. 

Doubts had started creeping in. Am I on the right path? 

Then, on that evening, I heard Bachchan (the elder, more important one) sing, 'Alag alag path batlate sab, par main yeh batlata hoon/ rah pakad tu ek chalachal, pa jaega madhushala' - 'Different people suggest different paths, but this is what I say/ Stick to a road and keep on walking, and you'll reach the tavern./"

As I heard this amidst the mad traffic and noise of the Kendrapada-Cuttack highway, some knot within was untied. 

My path is my path. The tavern is on every step that I take. And the alcohol is every drop of sweat that I shed with the effort of walking.

Monday, July 22, 2024

ପୁଷ୍ପ ବର୍ଗ ୧-୨

ପାଲି 'ଧର୍ମପଦ'ର ଓଡ଼ିଆ ପଦ୍ୟାନୁବାଦ

ଅନୁବାଦକ - ଶୈଲେନ ରାଉତରାୟ


ଫଟୋ କ୍ରେଡ଼ିଟ୍ - ୱିକିମିଡ଼ିଆ କମନ୍ସ୍


ଓଡ଼ିଆ ପଦ୍ୟାନୁବାଦ

ଇହଲୋକେ, ଦେବଲୋକେ, ଯମଲୋକେ ପୁଣ
ଯେଉଁ କୁଶଳ ମାନବ ଅଟଇ ଉତ୍ତମ 
ଧର୍ମପଦେ ପୁଷ୍ପ ସମ କରିବ ଚୟନ ।୧।  

ଶିକ୍ଷାର୍ଥୀ କରିବ ଧରା, ଦେବଲୋକ ଜୟ
ଯମଲୋକକୁ ପୁଣ ସେ କରିବ ବିଜୟ
ଧର୍ମପଦେ ପୁଷ୍ପ ସମ କରିବ ଆଶ୍ରୟ ।୨।  

ମୂଳ ପାଲି ପଦ

ଇ ଇମଂ ପଠବିଂ ବିଜେସ୍ସତି ଯମଲୋକଞ୍ଚ ଇମଂ ସଦେବକଂ
କୋ ଧମ୍ମପଦଂ ସୁଦେସିତଂ କୁସଳୋ ପୁପ୍ଫମିବ ପଚେସ୍ୱତି ।୧।

ସେଖୋ ପଠବିଂ ବିଜେସ୍ୱତି ଯମଲୋକଞ୍ଚ ଇମଂ ସଦେବକଂ 
ସେଖୋ ଧମ୍ମପଦଂ ସୁଦେସିତଂ କୁସଳୋ ପୁପ୍ଫମିବ ପଚେସ୍ସତି ।୨।

ଅନୁବାଦକୀୟ ଟୀକା: ଏହି ଅଧମ ଅନୁବାଦକକୁ ପାଲି ଜଣା ନାହିଁ । ଏଣୁ ଏହି ପଦ୍ୟାନୁବାଦଟି ପାଇଁ ତାହାର ମୂଳ ସହାୟ ହେଲା  ପ୍ରଫେସର ପ୍ରହ୍ଲାଦ ପ୍ରଧାନଙ୍କ ଦ୍ୱାରା ସମ୍ପାଦିତ 'ପାଲି ଧର୍ମପଦ' ଗ୍ରନ୍ଥଟି, ଯେଉଁଥିରେ ସେ ସଂସ୍କୃତ ରୂପାନ୍ତର ସହ ଓଡ଼ିଆ ଗଦ୍ୟାନୁବାଦ କରିଯାଇଛନ୍ତି । ଗ୍ରନ୍ଥଟିର ପ୍ରଥମ ସଂସ୍କରଣ ୧୯୭୮ ମସିହାରେ ପ୍ରକାଶିତ । କିନ୍ତୁ ଏହି ଅନୁବାଦକ ୧୯୯୪ ମସିହାରେ କଟକସ୍ଥ ପ୍ରକାଶନ ସଂସ୍ଥା ଫ୍ରେଣ୍ଡ୍‌ସ୍‌ ପବ୍ଲିଶର୍ସ ଛାପିଥିବା ଦ୍ୱିତୀୟ ସଂସ୍କରଣଟି ବ୍ୟବହାର କରିଛି । ଏହା ଛଡ଼ା ଏହି ପଦ୍ୟାନୁବାଦ କରିବା ପାଇଁ 'ଦି ସେକ୍ରେଡ଼୍ ବୁକ୍ସ୍ ଅଫ୍ ଦି ଇଷ୍ଟ୍' ସିରିଜ୍‌ରେ ମାକ୍ସ୍ ମ୍ୟୁଲର୍‌ଙ୍କ ଦ୍ୱାରା ସମ୍ପାଦିତ 'ଦି ଧମ୍ମପଦ' ଇଂରାଜି ଗ୍ରନ୍ଥଟିର ୨୦୧୩ ମସିହାରେ ରୁଟ୍‌ଲେଜ୍ ଛାପିଥିବା ସଂସ୍କରଣଟିର ମଧ୍ୟ ବ୍ୟବହାର କରାଯାଇଛି ।

Monday, July 15, 2024

Research programmes for engaged social sciences

Rahul Mukhopadhyay, Sahana Udupa, Sailen Routray and Sowjanya Peddi



Tata Institute of Social Sciences
Photo credit: commons.wikimedia.org/Hashtag ysp


Significant transformations of the Indian economy, polity and society over the last two decades raise one important question: Have the social sciences in India been able to understand and adequately interpret this change? Some of the superficial signs are not entirely encouraging. If the Nehruvian Second Plan strategy was built around the work of academics like Mahalanobis, the intellectual inspiration for the liberalisation process has largely come from within government. Indeed, there are even some signs that the gap between the social sciences and the demands society is making of them is being filled by those outside Indian academia.

The report of the fourth Indian Council for Social Science Research review committee looked at the books published by the top eight academic publishers in India. A third of these books were written by foreigners or non-resident Indians. More important, of the remaining, well over a fifth was accounted for by independent researchers.

The very real gap between social sciences in India and the demands society is making of them has caused some introspection among social scientists them- selves. But no matter how intellectually rigorous such an exercise is, it still reflects only one side of the picture. It raises, and answers, questions social scientists think are important. 

It is just possible though that these questions are not always the ones that are at the top of the mind of others in society who are looking to the social sciences for insights. It is important then to look at the issue not just from the point of view of social scientists but also from the perspective of those who engage with the social sciences, whether they are policymakers, industry, non-government organisations (NGOs), or anyone else. 

To this end the National Institute of Advanced Studies organised a consultation, ‘Towards Engaged Social Sciences’ in Bangalore on October 29 and 30, 2007, which brought together social scientists and those who en- gage in the social sciences. At the end of two days, the consultation came up with a number of recommendations that pointed to an alternative way forward.

Different voices

The road to these recommendations was not the usual one. As was only to be expected, the social scientists and representatives of NGOs, industry or government did not always speak the same language. On the question of corruption, in particular, the differences were quite striking. 

The social scientists tended to treat corruption as an externality, even if a debilitating one. Corruption for them was a major reason why effective policies could not be implemented. Those outside the social sciences, on the other hand, tended to place corruption at the centre of their analysis, repeatedly beginning their analysis with an attempt to understand this phenomenon.

The wide range of the issues covered and the sheer diversity of the views expressed made it quite futile to seek complete unanimity among the participants. At the same time any consistent ground that emerged from such a diverse set of views would clearly be well worth carrying forward. 

In the search for such common ground, the participants were requested, in the concluding session after listening to each other for two days, to come up with specific suggestions pointing to the way forward for social sciences in India. They then came up with a variety of suggestions which, despite all the diversity in opinions and backgrounds, appeared to have a degree of consistency. Indeed, the suggestions could fit quite easily into a consistent framework of recommendations.

Research programmes

The main thrust of these recommendations was that social science research should be organised in terms of research programmes that could be financed by the government, private sources or a combination of the two. This was based on the recognition that social science research is becoming increasingly dependent on project funding. These projects, whether they are from the government or industry, typically come with specific questions for which the social scientist is expected to provide the answers. 

These questions, more often than not, are focused on issues of immediate concern. Important as these issues are, the healthy growth of the social sciences as well as a meaningful understanding of society, requires us to also raise questions before they become matters of immediate concern. Social scientists thus also need to raise questions and develop theories which they might not always be able to do under conditions of project-based research alone. The way out would be to focus on broad research programmes built around specific issues. Such programmes would address not just matters of immediate concern but also theoretical and other related issues.

Each programme would have to be managed by a core group. Researchers from across the country would then be able to approach the programme for support for individual projects including theoretical ones. As long as the core group believes that the individual project is consistent with the overall aims of the programme it would be financed. 

Such programmes would thus be able to draw on research talent from institutions across the country, and can address broad issues in a more comprehensive manner. The knowledge generated by these programmes would be of use to all those who engage with the social sciences.

Policymakers, NGOs, industry and others will be able to find not just answers for questions on their minds, but also to questions that are important for their work but had not occurred to them. Since such programmes would benefit all those who engage with the social sciences, they are likely to find financial support from the government, private sources or public-private partnerships.

Strengthening institutions

The success of these programmes would depend on the talent they can draw from institutions across the country. Thus rather than programmes replacing institutions, the two would have to grow together. The programmes would thus have to be accompanied by measures to strengthen institutions. This would have to begin with measures to recognise successful social science institutions. This could be done by institutionalising the practice of providing substantial corpus funds to institutions with a proven track record. 

The government has given substantial grants to individual institutions that have gained reputations of their own. This process could be institutionalised by laying down predetermined criteria that will make institutions eligible for such corpus funding.

Institutions that meet a specified minimum standard can be eligible for a specific corpus funding; those that have established higher standards can be eligible for a larger corpus. Institutions that have demonstrated an ability to function on their own will then gain greater autonomy through a larger corpus. Such a mechanism could also be related to periodic reviews of the functioning of institutions so that they are aware of just how close they are to achieving the prescribed norms.

Better compensation

The problem with institutions is however not a matter of finances alone. There is also a need to put in place a system that generates high quality social science research professionals in the required numbers. Here again the first step could be in the form of recognition. This could be done by increasing the amounts paid to national professors and offering it to younger social scientists who have established research credentials. 

There is a need to encourage social scientists between the ages of 40 and 45 who have demonstrated an ability to do high quality research and could benefit by being given a free hand for a fixed period of time. The category of national professors could be used to provide them the resources needed to work on issues of their own choice for a period of, say, five years.

Beyond providing recognition, there is a need to improve the quality of researchers as well as their numbers. The quality of research in research institutions as well as teaching in universities today is negatively affected by, among other factors, the substantial and growing distinction on the ground between institutions that teach and those that do research. This sharp distinction ensures that the latest research findings are not known to teachers, and researchers do not have the benefit of having their ideas challenged by young minds.

This gap could be bridged by cross-deputation. Researchers could be deputed for fixed periods of time to teaching institutions in exchange for teachers being deputed to research institutions. Such cross-deputation should have the effect of improving teaching, or at least making it more in touch with the latest research. But this process alone would not be enough. There is a need to substantially alter the textbooks so that they reflect the latest developments in each field.

Bilingual research

The quality of research and teaching is also adversely affected by having a purely English-based social science while society functions in other languages. This directly affects the dissemination of the research to a wider audience. 

More importantly, there are insights to be gained by engaging with society through the local languages which are not always captured by a unilingual (English-dominated) research process. This difficulty has grown in recent years as in earlier decades there were social scientists who wrote in more than one language. There is thus a need to expand the scope of bilingual research and teaching.

In addition to providing the finances and the talent for research programmes, there is also a need to improve the quality and availability of data. A recurring theme during the consultation was the existence of a data crisis. 

Agricultural economists in particular were worried about the quality of the data that was being generated by surveys. With satellites now generating images with one metre resolution, it was felt that the use of satellite imagery for crop and land use data needs to be explored urgently. 

If satellite imagery can provide accurate data for smaller areas, it will also help crop insurance by providing at least a preliminary idea of the production on the land of individual farmers. There is thus an urgent need to explore the potential to use satellite imagery for data on agriculture.

Concerns about the availability of data were also raised in the health sector. While hospitals had a large amount of data, this was not available to social scientists, possibly because of concerns about the privacy of patients. If privacy is protected through effective guarantees of anonymity, it should be possible to provide this data to social scientists. There is thus a need to create a system where health records maintained by hospitals are used to generate data that could be used by social scientists with the guarantee of anonymity for patients.

There was also a concern expressed that the data that are currently being generated are not being utilised to their full potential as they are not made available to the larger fraternity of researchers. ICSSR institutions today generate a substantial amount of data through projects of their own. This data needs to be put into a sharable database so that it can be shared by a broader set of social scientists. 

There is thus a need to create a sharable database of information on research data across all ICSSR institutions. Such a database can also be tapped by those who engage with the social sciences from industry, government and NGOs.

An effective research programme that expects to attract research talent from institutions spread out across the country will also have to improve communications among social scientists themselves. To this end it becomes important to establish a Social Science Network. The consultation reflected the gaps in the awareness of the social scientists themselves of the research being done in different parts of the country. This was particularly true of research being carried out at the MPhil and PhD levels. 

It was felt that an online Social Science Network would help reduce this gap. The online nature of this network would also provide an effective link for researchers in the more remote parts of the country. This would help Indian social science as a whole engage with issues in remote areas in the country.

Online dissemination

Since one of the main objectives of the research programmes would be to make available high quality social science inputs to those who engage with the social sciences at least some of its success would depend on it being accessible to those outside the social sciences. This could be helped by establishing an online mechanism for the dissemination of research results to a wider audience. 

The lack of information and accessibility was highlighted as a key concern by all participants. Those who were not social scientists in particular emphasised how difficult it was for them to access research findings. It was felt that information about research findings should be provided to those who could use them whether they were in government, industry, NGOs or in any other field.

In short, the recommendations are: 

(i) Social science research should be organised in terms of research programmes that could be financed by the government, private sources or a combination of the two. 

(ii) Institutionalise the practice of providing substantial corpus funds to institutions with a proven track record. (iii) Increase the amounts paid to national professors and offer it to younger social scientists who have established research credentials. 

(iv) Depute researchers to teaching institutions in exchange for teachers being deputed to research institutions. 

(v) Substantially alter textbooks so that they reflect the latest developments in each field. (vi) Expand the scope of bilingual research and teaching. 

(vii) Explore the potential to use satellite imagery for data on agriculture. 

(viii) Create a system where health records maintained by hospitals are used to generate data that could be used by social scientists with the guarantee of anonymity for the patients. 

(ix) Create a sharable database of information on research data across all ICSSR institutions. (x) Establish a Social Science Network, and 

(xi) Establish an online mechanism for the dissemination of research results to a wider audience.

Note; This co-authored piece was first published in 2007 in Economic and Political Weekly 42 (49).

ବାଳ ବର୍ଗ ୭ ପାଲି 'ଧର୍ମପଦ'ର ଓଡ଼ିଆ ପଦ୍ୟାନୁବାଦ ଅନୁବାଦକ - ଶୈଲେନ ରାଉତରାୟ ଇଣ୍ଡୋନେସିଆ ଦେଶର ବୋରବୋଦୁର ସ୍ତୁପ ଫଟୋ କ୍ରେଡ଼ିଟ - ୱିକିମିଡିଆ କମନ୍ସ୍ ଓଡ...