Monday, November 29, 2021

Of Books and Volunteering

Sailen Routray


Photo Credit - Shivdat Tripathi

Over the last decade or so Satya Nagar in Bhubaneswar has morphed from a sleepy residential area to a commercial hub. When you go straight down the road from the brash, new Big Bazar in the area you hit a reasonably sized, unremarkable two storied house numbered 16 that is painted white and looks as boring as any other house on the lane. 

But you cannot miss a signboard that is essentially a piece of carved and painted wood that says ‘Bakul Sishu Paathaagaara’ (Bakul Children’s Library) in Oriya. A small gate leads you into a space that looks as unlike a library as you can imagine. Of course there are books all around; but you have pictures of joyous monkeys playing on the walls and every inch of the walls painted cheerfully with one motif or the other in soothing bright colours.

But the physical aspect of the library is perhaps the least unusual thing about it.  The Bakul library is one of the largest children’s libraries in the state of Orissa. It houses more than 8,000 books (primarily in Oriya and English, and some in Hindi) as well as multimedia and other educational material. There are no user charges for reading and referencing in the library, and there are no formalities involved in terms of becoming a member till now. Any child can drop in and read. Lending of books has not started, and a small fee might be levied as and when it starts.

The library is run by the Bakul Foundation (with Dr. Jatindra Nayak, Professor of English Literature, Utkal University as the President of the society),  and is managed by volunteers Sujit Mahapatra and Satyajit Puhan with help from Puspalata Sethi and others. 

A pledge campaign for building the library was launched by the trio of Satyajit Puhan, young development economist and one of the founders of the Film Society of Bhubaneswar, Sujit Mahapatra, Ph.D. scholar of English Literature at Delhi University, and Ayushman Sarangi computer engineer at ADOBE on the Orissa Day, 1st April 2006 with the launching of the online pledge campaign, "Donate Books, Build a Library"  at www.pledgebank.com/bakul-library

The goal was to mobilize a thousand people who would directly contribute (either with cash for a book or directly with a book) to set up a library, initially focusing on children and youth in Bhubaneswar. The deadline to get 1,000 supporters as well as to set up the library was the 1st of April 2007; by the time the deadline got over 1011 people had pledged support, and the library managed to start functioning. Around two thirds of those who signed up for the pledge were of Oriya origin, the rest being non-Oriya including some foreigners with significant proportions of both the groups being based out of Orissa. 

The goal was not merely to create a library but to tap the energies of volunteers; as Sujit Mahapatra puts it, ‘most people do not try to initiate change because they know that they can contribute only in small ways and do not see how their small contributions can bring about any change. As a result of which, they do nothing and only crib about things. They get cynical that things can never change. We are trying to tell people that change is possible and they can be the agents of that change. By coming together with our small little contributions, we can bring about a change in not only the lives of others, but also in ourselves.’

The inauguration date was marked by a small function and the library itself was inaugurated by three children including a child from a nearby slum. The Bakul pledge campaign is already being used as a case study in IIM Calcutta and in a Delhi University undergraduate textbook for using the internet for effective social mobilization tool for positive social change. 

But the size of the library and the use of the internet for mobilization are not the only things that make the library unique.  The entire collection has been built with the voluntary contributions of ordinary people without any funding from corporate or institutional sources. Apart from the help of the numerous individual supporters, drives for book collection for the library at educational institutions like the University of Waterloo, Canada, Duke University, USA, HP, Bangalore, and BITS Pilani have been important. Bakul plans to build an Online Library system that can help its users to check the availability of books and multimedia material, to place a request and to renew already borrowed books etc. 

The library has already met its target of a thousand footfalls, and has partnered with organizations working with disadvantaged children such as Khelaghara (a school for slum children) Anand Ashram (an orphanage), the B.B.C. School for the Differently Able, and the Thakkar Bapa Special Hostel for tribal students.  The library is involved in extending its services to as many disadvantaged children in the area as possible.  With the help of Mr Ramesh Swain, a prominent local architect, an amphitheatre is being built behind the library so as to facilitate storytelling sessions, theatre workshops etc. 

The library plans to promote a good reading culture, especially among the children and youth by promoting activities like storytelling sessions, film screenings educational workshops, creative writing workshops.  Many initiatives to such an effect have already been undertaken. On Gandhi Jayanti last year Sarbeswar Das, a noted Gandhian, talked to some tribal children from a local government school on Gandhi and Gandhism. On 14 November 2007 (Children's Day), children from 12 government and private schools from across the city volunteered to convert a public wall opposite the Bakul Children's Library into a children’s art wall by painting it up on the theme of "Bhubaneswar- Our City." 

Bakul has also participated at the Sishu Prativa Congress organized by UNICEF and the Education Department of the Government of Orissa on the occasion of Children's Day, 2007; it replicated itself at the venue of the Congress for 2 days and there was a parallel Bakul Children's Library at the playground of the Unit IX Boys High School in Bhubaneswar that was housing the Congress. Art charades, theatre and reading session were organised by Bakul for the children. All these activities took place in Oriya. But the most popular event was the Children's Community Storybook where children collectively wrote stories, primarily in Oriya. Over a period of two days, about seventy children ended up writing 14 stories. 

On 13 January 2008, 18 children from primarily fifth and sixth standards from four private schools performed an English adaptation by Roald Dahl of the story Snow White and Seven Dwarfs to a packed audience of children from various schools of the city, their parents and theatre enthusiasts in the auditorium of the Utkal Sangeet Mahavidyalaya. Bhubaneswar. It was the result of a month long theatre workshop conducted by Nicole Suchanek (director of the play and social work student from Germany, an intern at Bakul). 

Melissa Cornacchia and Melanie Eidecker, both international social work interns working at Orissa coordinated the dance and costumes and props respectively. The children were integrally involved with the planning of the play, and the emphasis was not so much on producing a brilliant show as to facilitate children’s learning and fun. This is only one instance of volunteers, in this case international volunteers, who are expanding the range of the organization’s activities by their own initiative. 

Bakul’s also plans to give a fillip to the production of children’s literature in Orissa as well as contribute towards scholarship on children’s issues. A public lecture titled "The Impact of Imagery in Picture Books for Young Children" by Professor Ellen Handler Spitz organized on 7 January 2008 at the Bakul Children's Library, was a step in that direction. Professor Ellen Spitz teaches at the University of Maryland, US, and is an eminent scholar on children’s issues and their imagination. 

The story of this lecture is also the story of how Bakul is slowly turning into a node for various kinds of volunteering.  Prof. Spitz had originally planned a trip to some other city in India for some academic work. She heard about Bakul’s work and offered to come down to Bhubaneswar at her own cost and deliver a lecture in English. It was open to all and was well attended by people from the development sector working in the fields of education and children.

But children are not the only constituency that Bakul is trying to address. It recently hosted a Film Festival on the ‘Great Masters of Contemporary Western Art’ from 20-23 December 2007 that was a relative success with around 50-60 people attending the festival every day with most of the viewers being students of the arts. The festival screened feature films on contemporary western masters such as Anish Kapoor, Allen Jones, Lucian Freud and Francis Bacon. The focus of the festival was on David Hockney, arguably the greatest living painter in the world with three films on him being screened.

The festival was open to all and was intended to provide exposure to the art students of the state to the work of the greatest artists of the world. This is another example of the culture of volunteerism that Bakul is trying to foster in the state. A promising Oriya artist, Birendra Pani, who was visiting London for work came across the films and thought that Bakul can organize a festival for young art students in the state, and got the movies to Bhubaneswar for screening.

As an example between the proposed synergy between art, culture and development strung together by volunteerism that is a part of the vision of Bakul, more than a dozen promising, young artists are having a show of their work in a major art gallery in Kolkata in the first week of March this year the proceeds from which will go towards strengthening the work of Bakul. The organization also sees this is as a first step towards building a people’s art gallery and cultural centre that will work towards the democratization of the ‘high’ arts in the state and beyond.

The principle guiding Bakul’s initiatives is as simple as it can get; neither let funding/funding agencies’ priorities determine work, nor push for what the organization sees itself as a need of the people it wants to work with, but to work as a node, a social space that acts as a catalyst to get people together to volunteer together for the betterment of a greater collectivity. In fact volunteerism lies at the heart of Bakul’s vision; apart from Puspalata none of the people working at the library take a salary from Bakul. Therefore, interns are increasingly seen as a major component of the organization’s work.

The long term plans involve the setting up of a research and documentation centre that will do two things simultaneously; it will try and fill in the gaps in social science research in the state and the region, and act as the node for filling in gaps in undergraduate education in the surrounding area by having extension programmes as well by morphing into an alternative space for higher learning and research. Initial steps have already been taken in this direction.

Commitments from various prominent people from the state of Orissa such as historian Nivedita Mohanty, Padmashri D P Pattanayak (eminent linguist and educationist) and Dr. Kabi Mishra, (eminent cardiologist) have been received regarding the donation of their personal collections. The research and documentation centre will start with a library containing these personal collections, and by forming a researcher’s collective of scholars that have an academic interest in the state and the region.

Simultaneously, the aim is to strengthen the children’s library at Satya Nagar so that it can act as the nucleus of a children’s library movement in the state, and as a centre of innovation for practice and research in Oriya Children’s literature. So the next time you are in Bhubaneswar, please drop in at 16, Satya Nagar to see some robust volunteerism at work; the organization is new and there are both internal debates and critiques about the direction of work, but this is one young organization that needs to be watched out for.

The name Bakul refers to the grove of bakul trees near Sakhigopal in Puri district in coastal Orissa that was the site of the first alternative school in Orissa set up by the leaders of the nationalist movement. It remains to be seen whether the organization fulfils the promise that the name evokes; but the beginning looks auspicious.

Note: A slightly different version of this article was first published with a different title in the webzine 'India Together' on 25th of January, 2008. As it was written as a long report at the time, it remains substantively unchanged in its current form as a blog post. 

Thursday, November 25, 2021

୧୯୪୦ ମସିହାରେ ଗୋଟିଏ ଶୂନଗାଡ଼ିରେ ଛଅ ଜଣ ସାଙ୍ଗଙ୍କ ଭ୍ରମଣ

ଶୈଲେନ ରାଉତରାୟ


ବଲାଙ୍ଗୀରର ମଟଖାଇ ପର୍ବତ (ୱିକିମିଡିଆ କମନ୍ସ୍)

ଗତ ଶତାବ୍ବୀର ଚତୁର୍ଥ ଓ ପଞ୍ଚମ ଦଶକର ସନ୍ଧି । ସେତେବେଳେ ଓଡ଼ିଶାର ବିଶିଷ୍ଟ ଶିକ୍ଷାବିଦ ହରିହର ମିଶ୍ର ବଲାଙ୍ଗୀରର ପୃଥ୍ୱୀରାଜ ହାଇସ୍କୁଲ ରେ ଅଧ୍ୟୟନ କରୁଥାଆନ୍ତି । ସ୍ୱାଧୀନତା ପୂର୍ବ ସମୟର କଥା । ହଷ୍ଟେଲ୍ ରେ ରହି ପାଠପଢ଼ା ଚାଲିଥାଏ । ୧୯୪୦ ମସିହା । ୧୦ମ ଶ୍ରେଣୀର ପାଠ ଓ ପରୀକ୍ଷା ସରିଥାଏ ।

ସେ ବର୍ଷ ସ୍କୁଲ୍‌ର ରଜତ ଜୟନ୍ତୀ ଉତ୍ସବ ଆରମ୍ଭ ହେବାକୁ ଯାଉଥିବାରୁ କେବଳ ଶ୍ରେଣୀରେ ପ୍ରଥମ, ଦ୍ୱିତୀୟ ଓ ତୃତୀୟ ସ୍ଥାନ ଅଧିକାର କରିଥିବା ପିଲାଙ୍କର ନାମ ଘୋଷଣା କରାଗଲା । ବାକିସବୁ ପିଲାଙ୍କୁ ଉପର ଶ୍ରେଣୀକୁ ପଠାଇଦିଆଗଲା । ଏଥିପାଇଁ ସମସ୍ତଙ୍କ ମନ ବହୁତ ଭଲ ଥିଲା । ଏହା ପରେ ପରେ ବଡ଼ ଦିନ ଛୁଟି ମଧ୍ୟ ପଡ଼ିଲା ।

ଦଶମ ଶ୍ରେଣୀରେ ହର ବାବୁଙ୍କ କ୍ଲାସ୍‌ରେ ତ୍ରିବିକ୍ରମ ପଣ୍ଡା ନାମକ ସରାଧାପାଲି ଗ୍ରାମର ଏକ ମେଳାପି ଓ ଖେଳୁଆଡ଼ ପିଲା ପଢ଼ୁଥିଲେ । ସରଧାପାଲି ବଲାଙ୍ଗୀର ଠାରୁ କୋଡ଼ିଏ ମାଇଲ ଦୂରର ଏକ ଗାଁ । ସେ ତାଙ୍କର ସାଙ୍ଗମାନଙ୍କୁ ଗାଁକୁ ଯିବାକୁ ନିମନ୍ତ୍ରଣ କଲେ । ହରିହର ବାବୁ, ବେଣୁଧର ପଣ୍ଡା, ବଳରାମ ସ୍ୱାଇଁ, ତ୍ରିବିକ୍ରମ ପଣ୍ଡା, ଓ ଆଉ ଦୁଇ ଜଣ – ଏହି ପରି ଛଅ ଜଣ ସାଙ୍ଗ ଠିକ୍ କଲେ ଯେ, ସେମାନେ ମିଶି ସରଧାପାଲି ଗାଁକୁ ବୁଲି ଯିବେ ।

ଗୋଟିଏ ସାଇକେଲ ଠିକ୍ ହେଲା । ଲୁଗାପଟାତକ ଦୁଇଟି ଗଣ୍ଠିଲିରେ ବନ୍ଧା ହେଲା । ଗଣ୍ଠିଲି ଥୁଆ ହେଲା ସାଇକେଲ ଉପରେ । ସକାଳୁ ସକାଳୁ ଛଅ ବନ୍ଧୁ ବାହାରି ପଡ଼ିଲେ । ଜଣେ ସାଙ୍ଗ ଗାଡ଼ି ଚଲାଇଲେ । ବାକି ସବୁ ସବୁ ପଛେ ପଛେ ଚାଲିଲେ । କଥା ରହିଲା, ଦୁଇ ମାଇଲି ସାଇକେଲ ଚଲାଇ ଯାଇ ସାଇକେଲିଆ ଅପେକ୍ଷା କରି ରହିବ । ପଥଚାରୀ ଚାଲିଚାଲି ଯାଇ ତାଙ୍କ ପାଖରେ ପହଞ୍ଚିଲେ, ତାହା ପରେ ଆଉ ଜଣେ ସାଇକେଲ ଚଲାଇବ ।

ଏମିତି ସମସ୍ତଙ୍କର ପାଳିକେ ଲେଖାଏଁ ସାଇକଲ ଚଢ଼ା ସରିଲା ବେଳକୁ ବନ୍ଧୁଗୋଷ୍ଠୀ ଯାଇଁ ପହଞ୍ଚିଲା ସିଂହାଣିମୁଣ୍ଡା ଗାଁରେ । ସେ ଗାଁ ହେଲା ହରିହର ବାବୁଙ୍କର ମଉସା ବଳରାମ ଗୁରୁଙ୍କର ଗାଁ । ମଉସା ଅବଶ୍ୟ ବଲାଙ୍ଗିରରେ ରହୁଥାନ୍ତି । ଗାଁରେ ବସବାସ କରୁଥାଆନ୍ତି ମଉସାଙ୍କର ସାବତ ମାଁ, ଭାଈ ଓ ଭଉଣୀ । ଏତେ ଲୋକ ଥିବାରୁ ହରବାବୁ ସଙ୍କୋଚ କରି ଅନ୍ୟତ୍ର ଖିଆପିଆର ବ୍ୟବସ୍ଥା କରୁଥିବାର ଶୁଣି, ଆଈ ଡକାପକାଇଲେ ଓ ସମସ୍ତ ବ୍ୟବସ୍ଥା କଲେ ।
 
ମଉସାଙ୍କ ଘରେ ରାଜଭୋଜନ ଓ ବିଶ୍ରାମ କରି  ପୁଣି ଗୋଟିଏ ସାଇକଲରେ ପୂର୍ବ ପରି ଛଅ ଜଣ ଯାକ ସାଙ୍ଗ ଯାତ୍ରା ଆରମ୍ଭ କଲେ । ସୁକତେଲ ନଦୀ ପାର ହୋଇ, ସରଗାଡ଼ ଓ ଗାଇସିଲଟ ଗାଁ ଦୁଇଟି ଦେଇ ସନ୍ଧ୍ୟା ପୂର୍ବରୁ ସରଧାପାଲି ଗାଁରେ ଯାଇ ପହଞ୍ଚିଲେ । ତ୍ରିବି ବାବୁଙ୍କର ପିତାମାତା ପୁଅଙ୍କର ସାଙ୍ଗମାନଙ୍କୁ ଦେଖି ବହୁତ ଖୁସି ହେଲେ । ବଡ଼ ବଖରାଟାଏ ସଫା କରିଦେଲେ । ସତରଞ୍ଜି, ସପ ଇତ୍ୟାଦି ବିଛାଇ ରହିବାର, ଶୋଇବାର ବ୍ୟବସ୍ଥା କଲେ । ରାତି ଆଠଟା ବେଳେ ଖାଇସାରି ହାଲିଆ ହୋଇଥିବାରୁ ଶୋଇଗଲେ ।

ତାହା ପର ଦିନ, ପାଖ ଗାଁରୁ (ତ୍ରିବି ବାବୁଙ୍କ ଶଶୁର ଘର ଗାଁ) ଆର୍ତ୍ତତ୍ରାଣ ଓ ଶଙ୍କର୍ଷଣ ନାମରେ ପୃଥ୍ୱୀରାଜ ହାଇସ୍କୁଲର ଦୁଇ ଜଣ ତଳ ଶ୍ରେଣୀର ପିଲା ଛଅ ସଙ୍ଗାତଙ୍କୁ ଭେଟି ନିମନ୍ତ୍ରଣ କରିବାକୁ ଆସିଲେ । ଏହି ଦୁଇ ଜଣ ତ୍ରିବିକ୍ରମ ବାବୁଙ୍କର ସମ୍ପର୍କୀୟ ଶଳା ମଧ୍ୟ ଥିଲେ । ଦିନ ବେଳା ସରଧାପାଲିରେ ଖାସି ବା ମେଣ୍ଢା ମାଂସ ଖିଆଯାଇଥିଲା । ରାତିରେ ମଧ୍ୟ ଆମିଷ ଭୋଜନ ସହିତ ଜୋଇଁ ଚରଚା ମିଳିଲା ।

ସେତେବେଳେ ନିମନ୍ତ୍ରିତ ଅଥିତିଙ୍କୁ ଆମିଷରେ ଚର୍ଚ୍ଚା କରିବା ଏକ ପ୍ରଥା ଥିଲା । ଲୋକେ ସେଥିପାଇଁ ଘରେ ଛେଳି ମଧ୍ୟ ରଖୁଥିଲେ । ଜୋଇଁ ଚରଚା ପରେ, ରାତିରେ ଶୋଇ, ସକାଳେ ଉଠି ନିତ୍ୟକର୍ମ ଓ ଜଳଖିଆ ଇତ୍ୟାଦି ସାରି, ସରଧାପାଲିରେ ପହଞ୍ଚି, ବଲାଙ୍ଗିର ଫେରିବାର ଯୋଜନା ତିଆର ହେଲା । ତ୍ରିବି ବାବୁ ଘରେ ରହିଗଲେ ।

ବାକି ପାଞ୍ଚ ଜଣ ଯାକ ବନ୍ଧୁ ଗୋଟିଏ ସାଇକେଲ ଚଢ଼ି ଇସ୍କୁଲକୁ ଫେରିବାର ଉପକ୍ରମ କଲେ । ତ୍ରିବିକ୍ରମ ଓ ତାଙ୍କର ପିତା ଖଣ୍ଡେ ବାଟ ବଳେଇଦେବା ପାଇଁ ଆସିଲେ । ଫେରନ୍ତାରେ ବନ୍ଧୁମାନେ ଭିନ୍ନ ବାଟ ଧରିଲେ । କଉତିକିଆ ଗପଟିମାନ କହିଶୁଣି ସମୟ କଟୁଥାଏ ।

ସରଧାପାଲିରୁ ସେମାନେ ଆସିଲେ ଗାଏସିଲଟ । ସେଥି ଉତ୍ତାରୁ ଲୋଇସିଂହା ଆଡ଼କୁ ପ୍ରସ୍ଥାନ କଲେ । ଲୋଇସିଂହାରେ ବସ୍ ଷ୍ଟାଣ୍ଡ୍ ରେ ପହଞ୍ଚି ସାଇକେଲକୁ ବସ ଉପରେ ରଖି, ପାଞ୍ଚଜଣ ସାଙ୍ଗ ବସ୍ ରେ ବସି ଘଣ୍ଟାକ ଭିତରେ ବଲାଙ୍ଗିରରେ ପହଞ୍ଚିଲେ । ଏମିତି ଥିଲା ଅଶି ବର୍ଷରୁ ଉର୍ଦ୍ଧ ସମୟ ପୂର୍ବର ଗୋଟିଏ ସାଇକେଲରେ ଛଅଜଣ ସାଙ୍ଗଙ୍କର ଭ୍ରମଣର ଅନୁଭୂତି ।

ବି.ଦ୍ର.: ଏହି ଲେଖାଟି ସାମାନ୍ୟ ଏକ ଭିନ୍ନ ରୂପରେ ପ୍ରଥମେ ପାକ୍ଷିକ ପତ୍ରିକା ସମଦୃଷ୍ଟିରେ ପ୍ରକାଶିତ ହୋଇଥିଲା । ଲେଖାଟିର ଉପାଦାନ ହରିହର ମିଶ୍ରଙ୍କର ଆତ୍ମଜୀବନୀ ସ୍ମୃତି ତ କଦାପି ନୁହେଁ ଫିଙ୍ଗିବାରରୁ ନିଆଯାଇଛି । ବହିଟି ୨୦୧୬ ମସିହାରେ ଭୁବନେଶ୍ୱରସ୍ଥ ପ୍ରକାଶନ ସଂସ୍ଥା ପଶ୍ଚିମା ପବ୍ଲିକେଶନ୍ସ୍‌ଙ୍କ ଦ୍ୱାରା ପ୍ରକାଶିତ ।

Saturday, November 20, 2021

Lover

Akhila Nayak

Translated by Sailen Routray 

Stump of a Cherry Tree in Dülmen, Germany
Photo Credit - Wikimedia Commons

Don’t call me a murderer;
for the whole of my life,
I have only loved.
 
I have learnt the arts of loving
from the hand that irrigates the gourds;
I have also learnt it
from the axe.
 
I have dragged the plow
with my own shoulders,
transplanted wisps of paddy,
weeded fields infested with leeches;
in fields of green leafy vegetables,
I have melted and poured myself
on to the thirsty tongues of the shoots;
yes, I have loved. 
 
Now my measures are full;
my baskets overflow
with paddy and vegetables.
The trees stand tall
with their hands and legs
spread far and wide.
Now, I’ll light a fire and cook;
as my belly burns with hunger.
 
All love is meant for quenching hungers;
oh paddy plants,
friends,
brothers,
please do not call me
a murderer.
 
If needed,
even I
will reach your hungers
as broken grains of rice,
as dew,
as fire,
as breath.
 
Therefore,
please don’t call me
a murderer.

Note: This poem was originally published in the collection titled 'Dhobapharaphara' - 'Stark White'. The work of Akhila Naik (1968-2021) has been at the forefront of a process of transformation of Odia poetry over the last three decades where the language and concerns of the common people have come to the fore. Although he is primarily known as a poet in his home state, with multiple poetry collections published to wide acclaim, to the wider literary field in India he is known as the writer of the the first Odia Dalit novel 'Bheda' (originally published in 2010), that was translated by the Delhi based academic Raj Kumar and published by OUP in 2017.

Tuesday, November 16, 2021

Revisiting ‘Entangled Objects’

The Biography of Things and the Anthropology of Difference

Sailen Routray



The history of anthropology is the history of the theorizing of alterity. The said alterity is theorized not merely in terms of ‘us’ and ‘them’, or ‘the savage’ and the ‘civilized’. Dualism is built into the nature of theorizing, the rods through which the scaffolding of explanation is built; tradition and modernity, clan and class, capitalistic and non-capitalistic, and last but not the least, gift and exchange. 

Such dualisms are not merely abstractions that inform theory. They have seeped into popular consciousness of the ‘other’ and have become the bricks with which the post-colonial ‘other’ constructs his/her subjectivity. Any radical critique of anthropological ‘alterization’ have to account for the fact that such ‘othering’ is now a politicized process that is central to post-colonial identity creation. The book Entangled Objects is an important text in this context, and by this 30th year of its publication it has become essential reading. 

It deals with a very old subject, that of exchange of gifts and commodities. The early history of anthropology can be seen as the history of entanglement of cultural and economic analysis. In classical anthropology (as evident in the works of anthropologists like Mauss and Malinowski) economy and culture were inevitably connected. 

In fact, early anthropology presumed the existence of ‘total phenomena’ in pre-modern and pre-capitalistic societies that were presumed to be undifferentiated compared to modern capitalist societies. Although theorists such as Mauss tried to see extant traces of prior modes of exchange like gift in the contemporaneous West, but what underlies such ‘tracing’ is the presumed residual nature of the category in specific societies. 

There is a confusion here that Entangled Objects tries to clear up, and the confusion is a fundamental and recurrent one in anthropological literature. This is the confusion of setting up an analytical frame in terms of a set of dichotomies and then taking the dichotomies for real objects whose ‘traces’ can be sought in objects brought into existence by the very act of analysis. For example, Mauss sets the category of gift that stands for a particular mode of exchange that can only exist in contradiction to a commodity mode of exchange. But then he goes on to trace the apparent persistence of ‘the gift’ in modern societies. 

Entangled Objects provides an innovative handle to try and get away from such potential confusion. One of the most important points that the book makes and emphasizes upon is that “objects are not what they were made to be but what they have become.” Thus, from discussions surrounding modes of exchange, the book tries to shift the analytical gaze to the ‘social life of things’ themselves.

The author Nicholas Thomas borrows from Arjun Appadurai’s work to argue that objects need not be seen as passive constituents of two analytically distinct kinds of exchanges but as potential ‘subjects’ for biographies that have a ‘life’ and pass through ‘commodity phases’ and also have ‘commodity candidacies’ and ‘commodity contexts’ (Ferguson 1988). 

This is a part of the broader theoretical move that the author makes. As he states, “there should be a movement from economic abstractions to historical forms.” The shifting of the focus from modes of exchange to the biography of objects helps us to theorize about the various historically contingent forms of exchange that need not be subsumed under economic abstractions. 

This also ties up with another important theoretical move that is made in this text. Thomas correctly identifies a central problem in anthropological theorizing, where there is either a multitude of ethnographies that document a variety of forms and practices or there are grand theoretical abstractions like ‘the gift’ and the ‘the commodity’. What Thomas attempts, is to undertake mid-range analysis rather than to contribute to theory building per se. 

In the discussion of the social life of things Thomas correctly focuses on the question of alienation and value. Like Appadurai, he also borrows from Simmel (although far less explicitly) and assumes that exchange predates value. He does it by arguing for a multi-semiotic understanding of objects in which objects do not have essential, use-specific value that can predate exchange.

Alienation, due to the Marxist undertones that it carries as a concept, presupposes notions of exchange specifically involving ‘commodities’ rather than ‘gifts’. With the help of primary and secondary ethnographic data Thomas expands the conceptual load that alienation can be made to carry and shows that alienation can be integral to particular kinds of gift exchanges provided one is willing to unpack the ‘value’ that an object has for its users in the course of its ‘life’.

Such a move has far more important consequences than meets the eye in the first instance. This focus on the contingent alienability of gifts and inalienability of commodities helps in tracing the multitude ways in which extant social forms of indigenous island societies in the Western Pacific shaped their subsequent history in terms of engagement with colonialism.

Another way in which Thomas attacks the same issue is by pointing out the complex history through which indigenous communities appropriated Western goods. Here again the focus is on respecifying particular historical forms of exchange rather than on the creation of overarching economistic categories. He narrates the history of exchange of specific goods. By emphasizing on the polysemiotic nature of objects, he is able to trace the complex ways in which objects are appropriated and reappropriated. 

Thomas picks up the history of exchange of objects like whale teeth, pigs and muskets and exposes the mythical nature of narratives that trace the origin of colonialism unequivocally to the greedy appropriation by the ‘natives’ and their consequent loss of sovereignty. The gaze is also turned back at the colonizers and their various appropriations of indigenous goods are counterposed to the ‘native’ appropriation of colonial goods, so that the narrative restores agency to the indigenous people.

The aim of the narrative of Entangled Objects is to detail difference, rather than build theory. Still, it fails to draw some fairly obvious conclusions. There is an oversight of the similarity of the processes of Western appropriation if one sees the problem in the context of power asymmetry and domination.

The ‘modes’ of appropriation of objects might be different and the objectives of the various groups of Westerners in appropriating the objects might be context-specific depending upon the contingent ways in which these new objects fit into a pre-ordered semiotic system of objects. But what stays constant is the ground in which such appropriation is taking place, that of social worlds reconstituted by colonial violence.

This brings us back to an important question that can be seen as central to the enterprise of social theorizing: theorizing difference. Unlike Appadurai, Thomas does not completely erase the difference between gifts and commodities. He uses the dichotomy between them as a heuristic device that makes the subsequent discussion possible. 

In fact, Thomas erases one set of differences (that between gift and commodity, clan and class) to theorize about another set of differences; those within the indigenous island societies in the Western Pacific. This in turn is entangled in another set of arguments about the need to bridge the difference between the ‘savage’ and the ‘civilized’ that lie at the heart of anthropology and argues for its final erasure.

It is one thing to show that human groups embody differences that cannot be placed in terms of a hierarchy and another thing to retheorize these differences without taking recourse to any strict notion of hierarchy. This seems to be necessary in the context of post-colonial identity politics that draws its legitimacy from this very process of ‘othering,’ as is evident from Thomas’s fieldwork in Fiji itself. 

Post-colonial Fijians revel in their otherness and emphasize the communal nature of their social existence as opposed to Western or Indian individualism. Entangled Objects does only the first half of the project. But yet it does it with a finesse and clarity that is rare.

Details About the Book: Nicholas Thomas. 1991. Entangled Objects: Exchange, Material Culture, and Colonialism in the Pacific. Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, England: Harvard University Press. Acknowledgments, Introduction, Notes and Index.

Tuesday, November 9, 2021

ଗୁରୁ ମୋର ରଜକରାଜ

ଶୈଲେନ ରାଉତରାୟ


ଫଟୋ କ୍ରେଡ଼ିଟ୍ - ୱିକିମିଡିଆ କମନ୍ସ୍

ଗୁରୁ ମୋର ରଜକ ରାଜ ।
ମନର ମଇଳା ଘଷି ମାଜି ଧୋଇ
ଶୁଖାଇ ରଙ୍ଗାଇ କରନ୍ତି ସଜ ।୦।

ଆତ୍ମଜ୍ଞାନ ତା'ଙ୍କ ତୁଠର ପଥର
ଚିତ୍ତ ମୋ ଅଜ୍ଞାନ ଅଟଇ ଚୀର ।
ଜ୍ଞାନ ବାକ୍ୟ ପିଟଣାରେ ପିଟିପିଟି
ବାସନାର ଦାଗ କରନ୍ତି ଦୂର ।୧।

ବୁଦ୍ଧି ମୋ'ର ମୂଢ଼ ବତୁରେ ଶଙ୍କାରେ
ନିଜାନନ୍ଦ ସଙ୍ଗ ଅଟଇ ଖରା ।
ବେଦାନ୍ତ ମାର୍ତ୍ତଣ୍ଡ ଜ୍ଞାନାଲୋକେ ଦେଖ
ମନ ମୋର ଶୁଖି ହେବ ପାପରା ।୨।

ନିଜାନନ୍ଦ ରଙ୍ଗେ ରଙ୍ଗି ଅହଙ୍କାର
ନାଶ ଯିବ ନିଶ୍ଚେ ମୁହିଁ ଜାଣିଛି ।
କହ ଭକ୍ତ ଜନେ ସିଲୁ ରାଉତର
ଏହାଠୁ ଆଉ କି ସୌଭାଗ୍ୟ ଅଛି ।୩।

Saturday, November 6, 2021

Inter-state Transboundary Water-Sharing in India

Conflict and Cooperation


N. Shantha Mohan and Sailen Routray

 

River Systems of South India (From a Map Made in 1886)
Photo Credit - Wikimedia Commons

Water is no respecter of boundaries. Most of the larger rivers in India meander through the administrative boundaries of the Indian federal system. Sometimes, the river itself is the boundary, such as the Indravati which delineates the boundary between Maharashtra and Chhattishgarh for a part of its flow. Some rivers mark metaphorical boundaries as well—River Ganga serves as the vehicle to heaven, whereas River Vaitarani marks the crossing from this world of mortals to the infernal one.  Therefore, in a fundamental sense, all rivers are transboundary in nature.
 
But for our somewhat mundane discussion, it is the wayward rivers that do not obey the diktats of human cartographic exercises that end up being marked and categorized as transboundary. For this discussion, the rivers that arise in one province in India but end up in other are termed as such. All of the longer and major rivers in India are transboundary rivers: Mahanadi originates in Amarkantak in Chhattishgarh and crosses over into Odisha before finding its way to the Bay of Bengal; Chambal rises near Mhow in Madhya Pradesh before meandering for more than 900 km to the Yamuna in Uttar Pradesh after having acquired a formidable reputation as the river of the badlands. 
 
Chambal is an example of a long river (with a length of around 960 km) that complicates the ways in which rivers in India are clubbed together and categorized. It arises in the central highlands and drains into the River Yamuna which, in turn, joins the Ganges. Thus it forms part of the larger Gangetic river system. But it is difficult to locate it within the four-fold categorization of rivers into Himalayan, peninsular, inland and small coastal ones flowing into the Arabian Sea.
 
Ganga, Yamuna, Son, Gandak, Brahamaputra, Lohit and Teesta are the major Himalayan Rivers. Large parts of the water that these Himalayan rivers receive is from the snowmelt during summer, and therefore, these are perennial in nature. Most of the larger rivers in peninsular India are east flowing, apart from a few exceptions such as the Narmada and Tapti that drain into the Arabian Sea. The important east-flowing rivers of peninsular India are Subernarekha, Mahanadi, Brahmani, Godavari, Krishna, Kavery and Pennar. 

The Western Ghats form an important watershed for the southern part of the country and, apart from the several east-flowing rivers that originate here, many small and fast-flowing rivers such as Zuari, Mandovi, Netravati and Periyar originate here and, after flowing fast for a short distance, drain into the Arabian Sea. Most of the other rivers in India are transboundary. This is true both for larger rivers such as the Ganga and smaller rivers like Penner. Rivers such as Ghaggar and Luni do not find an outlet into the sea and lose their way in the desert wastes of Rajasthan and Gujarat.
 
A large number of transboundary rivers have significant implications for water usage and policymaking.  This is especially so because India has around 16 per cent of the population and 2.45 per cent of the land area of the world but only 4 per cent of its water resources. In gross national terms, the availability of water can be termed comfortable. But this situation can change with increased demands due to the changing patterns of economic growth and urbanization. 

Availability of water can greatly vary in terms of both spatial and temporal aspects. Spatially speaking, the northern and eastern parts of the country are better endowed as compared to the western and southern parts. The less endowed regions are the arid areas in the states of Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. They lie in one rain-shadow region or the other (Iyer 2003).
 
India has a monsoonal climate and the average annual rainfall is 1,170 mm. The annual rate varies from less than 150 mm per year in northwestern Rajasthan to more than 10,000 mm per year of rainfall in Meghalaya. A large part of the country receives rain for only 100 hours a year. More than half of the precipitation is received in a rainfall of less than about 20 hours (Agarwal and Narain 1999). Therefore, the storing of water for later use is of utmost importance. It is this imperative to store water that creates the potential for conflicts over transboundary rivers.
 
As noted, India has only 2.45 per cent of land resources and 4 per cent of water resources of the world. India supports 16 per cent of the human population and 15 per cent of the livestock population of the world. India gets around 4,000 billion cubic metres (BCM) of precipitation in an average year. Out of this, 3,000 BCM is received as rainfall in the summer monsoons spread over around 14 weeks, and the average annual water potential is around 1,869 BCM, out of which only 690 BCM can be harnessed due to hydrological and geological limitations. 

Replenishable groundwater resources are estimated at about 433 BCM. Thus, the total utilizable water potential stands at around 1,123 BCM. The utilization now stands at around 605 BCM, out of which irrigation accounts for more than 80 per cent. Domestic, industrial, energy and other sectors consume around 30 BCM, 20 BCM, 20 BCM and 34 BCM respectively. The assured utilizable quantum of water of the country is around 1,123 BCM, whereas estimations of water needs for the year 2050 put this quantum at 1,447 BCM. 

The total storage capacity is 213 BCM from projects already completed. Storage capacity of around 76 BCM is under construction. A large number of corrective measures need to be taken for appropriate regulation and improvements in efficiencies. Due to the spiraling water demand, there is an increasing pressure to create storage facilities on rivers, of which most of the larger ones are interstate transboundary rivers (Jeyaseelan 2010).
 
Conflict and Cooperation over Transboundary Rivers in India
 
A large number of rivers in India flow across international and interstate boundaries, and many of these are sources of potential conflicts. But the experience around sharing of both international and interstate transboundary river waters is not all grim. The Indus Water Treaty between India and Pakistan that came out of a process of mediation, facilitated by the World Bank, is an important example of a working and successful resolution of disputes over an international  transboundary river to which India was a party. 

The treaty awarded nearly 80 per cent of the water of the river system to Pakistan and 20 percent to India. The treaty has survived three wars between the two countries, showing that such a treaty can weather even the worst of situations in a politically volatile region. The dispute between India and Bangladesh over the Ganga, especially the one surrounding the Farakka barrage was addressed with the signing of a 30-year water sharing treaty in 1996. This was an important step towards figuring out mechanisms for sharing the waters of other transboundary rivers between the two countries on a mutually acceptable basis (Mohan 2010).
 
Examples of successful dispute resolution in the case of river–water sharing are to be found with regard to interstate transboundary rivers as well, such as the Damodar, Gandak and Subarnarekha. A salient example is the understanding reached on complex issues pertaining to the  multi-basin and multipurpose Parambikulam-Aliyar Project, where a Joint Water Regulation Board has been established by the riparian states. But it must be mentioned here that  these examples aside, there are many instances of interstate disputes over water sharing that are facing serious situations of potential conflict (Mohan 2010).
 
As the preceding discussions indicate, though India has a long history of cooperation over interstate transboundary rivers, its recent history is fraught with conflicts. There has been bitter fighting over the waters of Yamuna, Krishna and Cauvery.
 
Yamuna is the longest tributary of the Ganges and is a vital source of water for irrigation and urban use in northern India. It feeds the northern states of Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Rajasthan and Delhi. The total present claims on the river are more than twice the total water available. Its waters were shared between Uttar Pradesh and Punjab until 1954, when the new state of Haryana was created by slicing off a part of Punjab. Now Uttar Pradesh controls the Eastern Yamuna Canal and Haryana the Western Yamuna Canal. 

Following the rising demand from an explosively growing and urbanizing state of Delhi, this arrangement was increasingly brought into question, leading to conflicts between Delhi, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh over the sharing of the Yamuna water, especially during the lean summer months. Matters have landed up in the courts including the Supreme Court of India through the public interest litigation route. With water demand continuing to grow in the basin states, especially in Delhi, there is very little chance of the dispute coming to a closure soon (Swain 2010).
   
In peninsular India, the Krishna waters have long been the cause of disputes. It is the second-longest river in the south and feeds the states of Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. The reorganization of these states on a linguistic basis in the 1950s questioned the validity of the 25-year agreement on Krishna (1951), which divided the river between the then Bombay, Hyderabad, Mysore and Madras states. The Krishna Dispute Tribunal headed by Justice Bachawat gave its award in 1976, asking the states to utilize their allocations by the year 2000. 

This led to a race for utilization of the river’s water. One of the repercussions of such a process has been the growing demands and attendant conflicts, exemplified in the conflicts between Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka over the Almatti Dam in the latter state. The cause of the dispute was Karnataka’s decision to raise the height of the dam from its original 519 m to 524.25 m, a step that would have reduced the capacity of the Nagarjunasagar and Srisailam projects in Andhra Pradesh. 

But the two states were quick to join hands to oppose Maharashtra, the upper riparian state, when it tried to increase its storage capacity for the waters allocated to it. The states concerned have been complaining about each other to the central government over the issues. With increasing intensity of resource utilization, such conflicts can only increase, since the overutilization of waters of the Krishna river basin is about  the highest in peninsular India (Swain 2010).
 
Cauvery is another southern river whose waters have been the cause both of cooperation and conflict over a period of time. The regions of the present-day Tamil Nadu were the first movers in using the water of the river. Before the growth of modern dam-building technologies, the upland areas, which today is the state of Karnataka, used very little of its waters. In the latter half of the nineteenth century, attempts by the then Mysore princely state to dam and use the waters of Cauvery River led to protests from the Madras Presidency of the British Raj. 

Negotiations between the two followed, and a treaty signed in 1892. This agreement put on record the projects already taken up and laid down that the Government of Mysore will undertake no new projects. When Mysore proposed the construction of the Krishnaraja Sagar Dam on the Cauvery, the Madras Government challenged the decision and sent a complaint to the arbitration committee set up under the agreement of 1892. 

On receiving an unfavourable judgment from the committee, the Government of Madras took the matter to the secretary of state in 1919 and got a favourable response. Soon after this, matters were again taken up for negotiation between the two governments and a 50-year agreement was reached in 1924. This agreement allowed the construction of the Krishnaraja Sagar Dam in the then Mysore state and the Mettur Dam in Madras Presidency. It also provided a framework for the development of irrigation in the Cauvery basin. 

This agreement was supposed to be renewed after 50 years, that is, in 1974, but this was not done. This 50-year period saw the intensification of irrigation development in Karnataka and Tamil Nadu , the successors of the princely state of Mysore and the British Indian province of Madras respectively. The increase in the intensive use of water, especially for irrigation, led to conflicts. Tamil Nadu, which had enjoyed the advantage of being the first mover in irrigation development, now started complaining about the overuse of the waters of the Cauvery by Karnataka, the upper riparian state. 

It started demanding the creation of a tribunal for the resolution of these disputes and sharing of the waters of Cauvery. In 1990, the Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal was set up, which came out with its award in 2007. The Government of Karnataka was dissatisfied with the award (Settar 2010). 
  
Rules and Mechanisms to Address Transboundary Water-Sharing in India
 
The foregoing section shows that the history of interstate river-water sharing has been characterized by both cooperation and conflict. Water conflicts are of many types, depending upon the perspectives of the contesting parties and the nature of the contest. The complexity of the issues is exacerbated by the deficiencies in the legal and institutional mechanisms. Irrigation as a sector consumes more than 80 per cent of all available water in the country. 

Listed as Enry 17 under the State List in the Constitution, it is subject to the provisions of Entry 56 of the Union List. The latter empowers the central government to legislate on interstate river issues. But this entry has been underused. Article 262 of the Constitution provides for an adjudication role by the centre in these conflicts. The Inter-State Water Disputes Act (ISWD), 1956 was promulgated under Article 262. This Act provides for the formation of tribunals for settling transboundary river disputes (Mohan 2010).
 
According to the provisions of the ISWD Act, a state government having a dispute with another over interstate river waters can ask the centre to se up a tribunal for adjudication. The tribunal is to comprise a chairperson and two members. These three persons, to be nominated by the chief justice of India, must be judges of that august court at the time of nomination. The tribunal is empowered to appoint assessors whose task would be to assist in the investigation and to advise the tribunal. 

The Act mandates the publication of the tribunal’s award. Its decision is final and is binding on the parties to the dispute. The tribunals set up for settling the disputes surrounding the Krishna, Godavari and Narmada rivers are perceived as having been relatively successful. But the efficacy of tribunals to settle such disputed rivers is coming increasingly under question.

There have been substantial problems surrounding the tribunals set up to settle the disputes over  the waters of Ravi-Beas and Cauvery. The awards in both the cases have failed to resolve the disputes and have led to further bouts of intense politicking. The tribunal’s award now has the status of the decree of the Supreme Court, by virtue of the recent amendments to the ISWD Act. The tribunals take a lot of time to reach a final settlement.

Even the amended Act of 2002 mandates a time limit of six years. But even six years is, relatively speaking, a long period of time to resolve such issues. In this context, a mention must be made of several non-official civil society efforts that have been working assiduously to address the issues concerning river-water sharing. The Madras Institute of Development Studies (MIDS), Chennai,  initiated the setting up of a platform to facilitate dialoguing between the farmers of Karnataka and Tamil Nadu in the Cauvery Basin. Thus, by talking to each other, the farmers have started to understand each other’s problems and needs (Mohan 2010).
 
Addressing Transboundary Water Conflicts
 
In this context, we list some ways that can be of some help in addressing issues of transboundary water conflicts. The first path is of an institutional nature. We suggest that the already existing institutions, as also the formation of new institutions, such as river basin organizations (RBOs) can go some distance in resolving water conflicts. We also need to use some new tools or use old tools differently to be able to deal with water conflicts creatively. In this regard, we list mediation and an alternative approach to scenario building as two possible ways. 
 
The Interstate Council
 
Article 263 of the Constitution envisages the establishment of an Inter-State Council (ISC) with the mandate to enquire into and give advice on disputes arising between states, to investigate subjects of common interest to the states and to offer recommendations for better coordination of policy and action among the states concerned. The Administrative Reforms Commission (1969), the Rajamannar Committee (1971) and the Sarkaria Commission (1983) in their reports recommended the setting up of the ISC. 

The ISC was finally established by a Presidential Order on 28 May 1990 as a recommendatory body to fulfil the already mentioned constitutional mandate. The council comprises the prime minister, all chief ministers, administrators of union territories, six ministers of the central cabinet as also permanent invitees. The ISC secretariat, which provides organizational support to the council, is headed by a secretary who is also the secretary of the Commission on Centre–State Relations. He is assisted by two advisers and additional secretaries.
 
Conducting relevant studies is also a mandatory task of the ISC. Studies have already been commissioned on providing compensation to resource-bearing states; sub-national governance; and an appraisal of measures taken to implement the Directive Principles of State Policy. The council provides a forum for discussions on complex public policy and governance issues having a bearing on centre–state relations or having interstate dimensions. 

Because the council is a statutory body and has now built a body of experience in dealing with matters that are of common interest to states, it can play a useful role in facilitating dialogues and discussions towards resolving conflicts surrounding transboundary water-sharing in the country (Iyer 2002, Mohan 2010, ISC 2011).
 
River Basin Organizations
 
There is a need to look at arbitration and negotiations as methods of conflict resolution. One institutional arrangement that can be used to facilitate negotiation surrounding interstate rivers is the RBO. RBOs can be set up under the River Boards Act of 1956 (RBA), which was legislated under Article 56 of the Union List. These are empowered to regulate and develop interstate rivers and their basins. 

The board is required to have members with expertise in irrigation, water and soil conservation, and finance. But river boards have not been established because state governments apprehend that the boards would impinge  upon their authority and power (Iyer 2007). However, in this era of coalition politics, states have started seeing the advantage as also the need to set up RBOs.

Mediation as a Method for Dealing with Transboundary Water Conflicts

To date, seven tribunals have been established to deal with disputes over the waters of transboundary rivers. But these have not always helped resolve the disputes in a satisfactory manner. These tribunals depend upon legal principles of arbitration. Their awards, although supposedly final and binding, have been challenged in courts, and the courts have entertained these challenges. The judicial process is essentially an adversarial process and damages the relationship between the disputants. 

In contrast, mediation is a process that employs a neutral person or persons to facilitate a process of negotiations between the disputing parties so as to arrive at a mutually acceptable solution. Mediators should not have any direct interest in the conflict or  have control over the process of mediation and its outcomes. The power is vested with the disputants, but the mediation process is flexible and informal and can draw upon the multidisciplinary perspectives of the mediators. 

On the subcontinental level, the World Bank played the role of mediator between India and Pakistan and succeeded in resolving the conflicts surrounding the rivers of the Indus basin. In the Zambezi River dispute, the Vatican negotiated to fruition an 11-nation agreement for the joint use and management of the river’s waters (Devi 2010).
 
Given these examples, there is an urgent need in India to deploy mediation as a tool for conflict resolution and participatory management.

Alternative Approaches to Scenario Building for Water
 
The manner in which scenario building in the water sector takes place reduced it to a mere ‘technical’ tool for prediction. Scenario building is not a tool for projection and need not be used as one. A scenario is essentially an imaginative exercise involving political and social choices. It is as much a tool for action as it is for thought.

While undertaking exercises of scenario building, one needs to take into account the physical qualities of water as a resource. Generally, in such exercises, the current patterns of consumption are taken for granted to arrive at projections of various likely demands in the future. Thus, these attempts are just tunnel vision exercises based on the current patterns to project possible future demands. We argue that there is a need for a completely different way of building scenarios. 

We need to hypothetically freeze the total available water or freeze the quantum at current levels of total consumption in a given region—the unit for  analysis—and build scenarios of alternative usage patterns. Thus, building a scenario should not be taken as merely predicting the total quantum of water that would be in demand at a future date. What one is trying to do is to plan as if water, and its characteristics as a life-giving resource, mattered (which, in fact, it does).

This will necessarily be a non-technocratic and democratic exercise, since what one is trying to simulate in this proposed alternative method is the social choices that we might want to make if water availability and/or consumption were to be frozen at some arbitrary point in the present. Such an exercise will help us unravel the assumptions that we make while making projections. Such an approach will also help us radically interrogate theories of risk society by positing scenarios as ‘designs’ (Routray 2010).   
 
***
 
Water is becoming an increasingly important site of contestation among the states in India because of the rapid rates of population and economic growth and because of increasing urbanization. The growing importance of coalitions at the national level and the related assertion of regional identities add to the intractability of the problems surrounding transboundary water-sharing in India. 

More often than not, such issues are a result of the focus on demand-side management. Many scholars have argued that emphasizing supply-side management might be one way of dealing with such issues. There is a lot of merit in this argument. But we need to undertake institutional innovations as well. The suggestions for setting up RBOs and giving a greater role to the ISC in dealing with interstate river issues should be given due consideration. 

With the changing political dynamics in the country, it should not be difficult to convince the states that the relationship between governments at the level of the states and at the centre is not a zero-sum game. Increasing roles for central institutions in dealing with issues emerging out of sharing the waters of the transboundary rivers does not necessarily mean a whittling down of the powers of the states. 

Second, as this essay has argued, one needs to creatively use the already existing tools (such as mediation and scenario-building exercises) for managing water resources of interstate rivers more effectively and democratically. The emergent solutions have to be context specific and have to borrow creatively from a bouquet of solutions. 
 
References
 
Agarwal, Anil, Sunita Narain and Srabani Sen (eds). 1999. The State of India’s Environment: The Citizen’s Fifth Report. New Delhi: Centre for Science and Environment.
 
Devi, Geetha M. 2010. Legal Framework for Resolution of Water Disputes. Paper presented at the National Consultation on Water Conflicts in India: The State, the People and the Future, 15–16 March, National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bangalore.
 
Inter-State Council (ISC). 2010. http://interstatecouncil.nic.in/, accessed on 1 September 2011.
 
Iyer, Ramaswamy. 2007. Towards Water Wisdom: Limits, Justice, Harmony. New Delhi: Sage Publications.
 
———. 2003. Water: Perspectives, Issues, Concerns. New Delhi, Thousand Oaks and London: Sage Publications.
———. 2002. ‘Inter-state Water Disputes Act 1956: Difficulties and Solutions’, Economic and Political Weekly, 37(28): 2907–2910.
 
Jeyaseelan, R. 2010. ‘Regulatory Aspects in Water Resources Development and Management’, in Shantha Mohan, Sailen Routray, and N. Shashikumar (eds), River Water Sharing: Transboundary Conflict and Cooperation in India, pp. 8195. New Delhi: Routledge.
 
Mohan, Shantha N. 2010. ‘Locating Transboundary Water Sharing in India‘, in N. Shantha Mohan, Sailen Routray and N. Shashikumar (eds), River Water Sharing: Transboundary Conflict and Cooperation in India, pp. 3–22. New Delhi: Routledge.
 
Routray, Sailen. ‘Water Conflicts and Scenario Building in Orissa: An Alternative Approach’, paper presented at Orissa Environmental Congress, 22–24 December, 2010, Regional Museum of Natural History, Bhubaneswar, Orissa, India.

Settar, S. 2010. ‘Kaveri in Its Historical Setting’, in N. Shantha Mohan, Sailen Routray and N. Shashikumar (eds), River Water Sharing: Transboundary Conflict and Cooperation in India, pp. 99–107. New Delhi: Routledge.
 
Swain, A. 2010. Struggle against the State: Social Network and Protest Mobilization in India. Farnham and Burlington: Ashgate.

Note: A version of this essay was  first published in 2012, by Academic Foundation in the volume Perspectives on water: constructing alternative narratives (edited by Lydia Powell and Sonali Mitra). Later its second avatar was republished as a chapter in the volume, 'Thinking about Water in Uncertain Times: State People and Conflicts' - a collection of essays on the water sector by Sailen Routray and N Shantha Mohan - published by Aakar Books, New Delhi, in 2020. 

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