Monday, November 23, 2020

What is Literary Culture, Did You Ask?

The Strange Case of Orissa


Sailen Routray 


Orissa was the first state in the Indian subcontinent to be created more or less exclusively on a linguistic basis in the year 1936. The region’s linguistic and literary heritage forms an important part of the self-definition of Orissa as a region/state and Odias as a people. But the literary culture of Orissa is, relatively speaking, under-studied. 

‘Literary criticism’ is a small-scale industry in the state and in the Odia language, fuelled primarily by the need for PhDs. But apart from a few honourable exceptions, most of it is of the ‘The Literary Oeuvre of X: A Study’ or ‘Representation of Women in the Poetry of Y’ variety. It does little to illuminate the state’s and the people’s experience of the literary.

Orissa’s society and culture remain neglected by the broader academic community to a large extent, and this is reflected in the meager literature in English on Odia literary culture. In this light, the volume under discussion, Reading Literary Culture: Perspectives from Orissa by Sumanyu Satpathy goes some distance in rectifying such a state of affairs.

This volume is not a monograph. It is a collection of sixteen essays divided into four sections titled ‘Introductions,’ ‘Interventions,’ ‘Critiques,’ and ‘Explorations,’ and comprises of book reviews, an interview, an extensive biographical note, thematic overviews of various aspects of Odia literature, and the review of works of a few Odia writers.

These pieces were written for various occasions and have been collected here in one volume for the first time. There is no thematic/theoretical coherence across these essays apart from the fact that all of them deal with one aspect of Odia literature or the other.

In a way the title is slightly misleading. When one thinks of literary culture, one generally expects a stress either on the ‘literary’ or on the ‘cultural.’ But a good overview of any specific ‘literary culture’ must do both in a balanced fashion.

In the specific context of Orissa, it must show the linkages between literary and cultural production and explicate ‘the literary’ as merely one site of studying the region’s culture, yet at the same time demonstrate how literature has played a crucial, ‘overdetermining’ role in the self-definition of Odia socio-cultural identity. The book sets out to do this, but in many ways fails to achieve its objective.

The second essay in the volume, ‘Traditions and New Trends: An Overview of Oriya Literature’ gives a short, concise overview of Odia literature, and avoids most of the general biases that one sees in most such reviews. But there are some obvious oversights. For example, the essay does not do adequate justice to the role of ‘non-Odias’ such as Radhanath Ray and Madhusudan Rao in shaping ‘modern’ Odia literature, and the significance of such a phenomenon for understanding Odia literary ‘modernity.’ The essay also does not do adequate justice to Odia literary non-fiction.

The third essay in the book titled ‘Perspectives on Contemporary Oriya Poetry’ is a competent and nuanced overview of the poetry scene in Orissa. But the title is somewhat misleading; because an essay that is about ‘contemporary Oriya poetry’ and does not include even a short discussion on poets such as Akhil Nayak, Bharat Majhi, Pabitra Mohan Dash and Kedar Mishra amongst others, is both incomplete and inadequate (although the essay does mention the name of Basudev Sunani).

These poets, along with others from their generation, have a self-conscious engagement with contemporary politics, and their work is marked with an intense engagement with the idea of ‘the political.’ This sudden change of course in Odia poetry needs to be sociologically accounted for. Perhaps it is unfair to expect this from a short overview that tries to deal with around three generations of a poetic tradition in seventeen pages. But then, the title of the essay should have been different.

The fourth essay in the volume, ‘Oriya Children’s Verse: Sense and Nonsense,’ is perhaps the most satisfying piece in the volume. This article is quite exhaustive, and fills in an important gap. Children’s literature is one of the least studied thematic areas in Odia literature. ‘Oriya Children’s Verse: Sense and Nonsense’ provides a short overview of the work of some important scholars working on the thematic area of nonsense verse, as well as of the tradition of writing poetry and non-sense verse for children in Odia.

The second section titled ‘Interventions’ comprises of four review essays, and are almost models of such compositions. But the tenth essay in the volume, in the next section, ‘Translating Chha Mana Atha Guntha’ is perhaps the most comprehensive and perceptive review in the book. It critically examines a new translation of Fakir Mohan Senapati’s famous novel. It is scholarly and rigorous, and gives us a historical context of the translations of the text.

J.P. Das and Jayanta Mahapatra are perhaps favourites of Satpathy amongst Odia littérateurs, and it shows in the sensitivity with which he engages with their works. The last essay in the volume, titled ‘Polumetis as Artist: J.P. Das,’ within the format of an extended biographical note, provides us with a broad and richly detailed overview of the life, times, and works of one of the most versatile Odia writers.

In the preface of the book Satpathy says, “Since I do not live in Orissa, I have the additional luxury and freedom to express my opinions without fear or favour, expecting the perspectives to be somewhat “different…” This is a somewhat simplistic reading of ‘the politics of location,’ and reproduces early twentieth century notions of ‘ethnographic distance.’

As this review of the book shows, this volume suffers from such a distance. Certain kinds of insights about literary cultures are available only by inhabiting them intensely from within; being an ‘insider’ is as much a privilege and advantage as it is a liability.

This is a well-produced book, although there are a few obvious irritants. The text has many editorial mistakes. There are a few references cited inside the text that do not find a place in the bibliography. Despite these reservations, it must be said that the volume under review is a competent introduction to many aspects of Odia literature (if not to Odia ‘literary culture’), and deserves to be widely circulated and read.

Book Under Review

Sumanyu Satpathy. Reading Literary Culture: Perspectives from Orissa. Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 2009, pp. 248, Price Rs. 675. 

Note: A somewhat longer version of this review was first published in 2009 in the 29th edition of the webzine 'Muse India'.

Wednesday, November 18, 2020

ରବର୍ଟ ପିନ୍‌ସ୍କିଙ୍କର କବିତା - 'ଲଙ୍ଗ୍ ବ୍ରାଞ୍ଚ୍, ନ୍ୟୁ ଜର୍ସିର ବିନାଶ'

ଅନୁବାଦକ - ଶୈଲେନ ରାଉତରାୟ

୨୦୦୫ ମସିହାରେ ଉତ୍ତୋଳିତ ପିନ୍‌ସ୍କିଙ୍କର ଆଲୋକଚିତ୍ର 
ଫଟୋ କ୍ରେଡ଼ିଟ - ୱିକିମିଡିଆ କମନ୍ସ୍

"ସେମାନେ ଯେତେବେଳେ କୃତ୍ରିମ ଗାଲିଚା ସହ ଆସିଲେ,
ମୁଁ ସେତେବେଳେ ହଜାରେ ମାଇଲି ସହ ଫେରିଗଲି ଘରକୁ ।

ମୁଁ ବାରିଧିରୁ ଜୋଛନାକୁ ଧରି ଗୋଟାଏ ଗଡ଼ଖାଇ ଖୋଳିଲି;
ଆଉ ତାକୁ ନିରୋଳାରେ ଛାଡ଼ିଦେଲି ଧଉତ ହବାକୁ,

ଆଉ ଗଢ଼ିବା ପାଇଁ ଏକ ଲବଣାକ୍ତ ଚୋରାବାଲି,
ଯାହାକୁ ଜୁଆର ଠେଲେଇ ନିଏ,
ସରଣୀ ଓ ଗର୍ତ୍ତ ଗୁଡ଼ିକଠୁଁ ଦୂରକୁ, ଦୂରକୁ ।"

ଅନୁବାଦକୀୟ ଟୀକା - ଆମେରିକାର ମହାକବି ରବର୍ଟ ପିନ୍‌ସ୍କି (ଜନ୍ମ ୧୯୪୦ - ବର୍ତ୍ତମାନ) ଙ୍କର ଦ୍ୱିତୀୟ ବିଶ୍ୱଯୁଦ୍ଧୋତ୍ତର ଆମେରିକୀୟ କାବ୍ୟଭାଷାର ନିର୍ମାଣରେ ଗୁରୁତ୍ତ୍ୱପୂର୍ଣ୍ଣ ଭୂମିକା ରହିଛି । ତାଙ୍କ ଲିଖିତ ଉଣେଇଶ ଗୋଟି ଗ୍ରନ୍ଥ ପ୍ରକାଶିତ । ତନ୍ମଧ୍ୟରୁ ଅଧିକାଂଶ ସ୍ୱଲିଖିତ କବିତାର ସଙ୍କଳନ । ବହୁ ସମ୍ମାନିତ ଏହି କବି ନିଜର କବିତା ବ୍ୟତୀତ ସେ ଦାନ୍ତେ ଆଲିଘେରିଙ୍କର 'ଇନ୍‌ଫେର୍ଣ୍ଣୋ' ତଥା ସେଜ୍‌ଲ ମିଲ୍‌ସୋଜ୍‌ଙ୍କର 'ଦି ସେପାରେଟ୍ ନୋଟ୍‌ବୁକ୍ସ୍'‌ର ଅନୁବାଦକ ଭାବରେ ଜଣାଶୁଣା । 

Sunday, November 15, 2020

The Cybercafe in Bhubaneswar 

Notes Towards a (Semi-)Personal History

Sailen Routray


An Offset Press in Bhubaneswar (Wikimedia Commons)

Till about fifteen years back perhaps, mustard-yellow coloured STD booths were as common a part of the Indian urban ecosystem as the common crow. But, as of now, the apparently ever ubiquitous STD booth seems to have gone the way of the sparrow, not yet extinct, but rare enough to evoke a visceral pang of nostalgia whenever one comes across a straggling specimen. But nostalgia is perhaps the wrong word to describe the emotion of ‘missing’ a STD booth in a city like Bhubaneswar.

The emotion that such urban change evokes in one is perhaps better described by the Odia word moha-maya (which is a combination of two words — maya and moha) which can connote everything from pity to longing to irrational attachment that causes pain. For this writer, more than the STD booth, what causes the most serious pang of moha-maya are the rapidly disappearing cybercafes, although the latter have not quite evaporated so completely as the STD booth.

This might not sound like too much of a loss for those on the right side of thirty. But to some of us (belonging to what Palash Krishna Mehrotra categorised as ‘The Butterfly Generation’ in the eponymous book) inching towards our first hiccups of an early middle age, this will be just another wry reminder of mortality; all things will fade away, including yours truly.

I do not remember the first day I accessed the internet. Perhaps the experience was not very startling; I like many others in my generation, I lie between the two Indian extremes to technological innovations — the blind fascination welded with incompetence that characterises so much of the generation of the midnight’s children, and the blind acceptance of all technological innovations by the generation born in the 1990s and 2000s. I, for example, also do not remember the first time I used a telephone. But I do remember for sure, that it was at our Sailashree Vihar home in Bhubaneswar, to which we shifted in October 1992; because, one remembers for sure that one did not have a telephone connection before then.

Similarly, I remember where I accessed the internet for the first time, although the details of that first interface escape me now. It was a place called PAN-NET (or was it PLAN-NET? I can’t be sure; my memory, unfortunately, is like a bamboo sieve; it holds things, but not too much, and not for very long) on the edge of the IMFA park in Shahid Nagar. Within a year of this, at least three cybercafes had opened shop near my house in Sailashree Vihar in the Chandrasekharpur area in North Bhubaneswar.

Street Scene in Bhubaneswar (Wikimedia Commons)

The Semi-Public Internet

Thus, my first experience of accessing the internet, like the majority of Indians of my generation perhaps, was at a ‘public’ place, a cybercafe. What happened as a result, was that the idea of accessing the internet, and not only its usage, as a communal exercise, got embedded deeply inside one’s mind; one saw the internet as a public utility and its usage as public/semi-public acts.

Sasikanta Bose (name changed), a student of philosophy, feels in a similar way. He learnt to use computers and the internet in cybercafes in the Jagamohan Nagar area, near his college in Bhubaneswar. As a regular writer for webzines earlier, he could not have functioned without these. Although now he has private accesses to the internet, he still uses cybercafes for taking printouts and for scanning. 

Over the last few years, Facebook is an additional reason for him to be on the World Wide Web, and he is more comfortable accessing Facebook through a personal device, rather than in a cybercafe. But his primary reason for accessing the net remains to access webzines and reading material on the internet, and he feels this is done much more efficiently at a cybercafe, since there is an immediate monetary pressure to get the most returns on the money that one is spending. The cybercafe that he would use the most, when he is in Bhubaneswar (he is now a student in Calcutta), is EXCEL in Sailashree Vihar.


The Case of ‘EXCEL’

EXCEL is a cybercafé established in the year 2001. Mr. Susant Kumar Behera and Mr. Sukant Kumar Behera (two brothers) are the proprietors. It is located on the ground floor of a house in the sixth phase of Sailashree Vihar. It must be mentioned here in passing that Sailashree Vihar is a strange new locality in Bhubaneswar initially planned and constructed by the Odisha State Housing Board (OSHB); strange, like a lot of other things that came into being in the 1980s. It has only two ‘phases’, phase six and phase seven; I do not think even the Housing Board knows where the other five phases have meandered off to.

EXCEL is located on a service road parallel to the main arterial road of Sailashree Vihar that divides the sixth and the seventh phases. When Excel opened, it functioned primarily as a communication center with the cybercafe and the STD-PCO booth as the mainstays of the family concern. The STD booth reached its peak in 2004 and was almost dead by 2006–2007; the increasingly ubiquitous mobile phone effectively killed the PCO business. A coin-operated system was operational for a few more years, till that was also discontinued in 2013. 

With the death of the PCO booth, EXCEL moved into the mobile voucher business for pre-paid mobiles; but with only two percent commission being offered by most service providers, this is a high-turnover but low-profit business for the shop, and has not been able to replace the revenues and profits of the PCO business.

Mr. Susant Behera (Bunu bhai to most of his customers and to me as well; and he also happens to be a close friend of one my closest schoolmate’s family friend), says that when they started the cybercafe business, they were very anxious to be a ‘different’ kind of player. Most cybercafes in Bhubaneswar, then offered primarily the illicit joys of pornography as their primary attraction. This was reflected in the very design of the cybercafes; most of these were designed in the form of small cabins with often curtains on their small doors, and the computer screens faced the wall. 

Photo Credit - Wikimedia Commons

Therefore, when EXCEL opened shop, I remember it being a refreshingly new kind of cybercafe. All the monitors were placed on reverse ‘U’ shaped tables with the backs of the monitors facing the wall, and the monitor screens facing out towards everyone; there was thus, no privacy. But this completely removed the sleaze that was then associated with cybercafes and the internet, and made it popular with new social groups using the internet, such as single young women. EXCEL remained popular with young women as a node for accessing the internet for the longest time.

Now EXCEL is a very different kind of space from the time I remember it from my college days (1999–2002). It was, even then, popular with the young. But now it is much more of a safe hang-out place for college going young adults and those who have newly joined the work force, with fast moving snacks items such as puffs (called ‘patties’ in Bhubaneswar) and rolls, and ice cream being sold at the shop. It is much more of tuck shop and grocery store (housing pre-packed items) now, with national and international brands of packaged food such as Haldiram and Nestle fighting for rack space. 

This transformation started in 2003 itself, two years into the opening of the business; but whereas earlier EXCEL was primarily a PCO booth and cybercafe where one could get something to eat, it is primary a tuck shop and grocery store these days. The shop also functions as a travel agent now, and books all kinds of bus, train and flight tickets.

Till 2015, the cybercafe remained important for this family business and contributes around 20% of its total profits; but this was down from an all-time high of 50–60% in 2006–07 and from 30% when the business started in 2001. From 2005 to 2015, the capacity of the cafe came down by ten computers, and by then it operated with only six systems; till 2010, the cafe had 20 systems, and by 2012, the number had decreased to 14. A large part of the revenue is now from the ancillary services provided by the cybercafe, such as scanning and printing; data does not drive the business any longer. 

Even the six systems now operational in EXCEL stay unused for some parts of the day; it operates at full capacity only in the evenings. During the day, often half of the systems lie idle and unused. But the cybercafe in EXCEL has other roles in the family business; it often provides an entry into other services such as ticketing that are offered; often a customer who steps into the shop to take printouts in the cybercafe, ends up buying a recharge voucher for her pre-paid mobile connection, or picks up a family pack of ice-cream for her home.


Imagining a World without Cybercafes

Ajay Kumar Puhan (28, from Jajpur district), who works at EXCEL, feels that cybercafes in their present form will survive only for another three to four years. After that period of time, they just might survive as glorified ‘printout and scanning’ cafes. He worked for around nine years at Excel, since he was 18 years old. He also studied for a diploma in mechanical engineering while working at EXCEL. 

According to him, the customer profile has drastically changed over the last ten years; only those who cannot and/or do not access the internet through mobile devices come to the cybercafe for their browsing needs. Students also drive demand for the cafe with their needs for filling up forms. He feels that the situation is very similar in his village as well, with almost everyone who can afford a smart phone has one with an internet pack.

A Scene from Biju Patnaik Park, Bhubaneswar
Photo Credit - Wikimedia Commons

This decline in the cybercafe component of the family business in EXCEL is reflective of a larger churning in the business. Till around 2010, there were around ten cybercafes in the greater Sailashree Vihar area. By 2015, only three survived, of which EXCEL is one. Elsewhere in Bhubaneswar, the story is a similar one; often cybercafes have added additional services such as photocopiers or have transformed into gaming stations to survive as businesses. 

This change has been driven by fundamental transformations in the ways in which the internet is accessed in the country and in the city. Mobile phones have become the dominant device for accessing the internet in Bhubaneswar (and in India), and this has had significant effects on cybercafes in the city. The gentrification of many parts of the city and the consequently increasing rents for commercial property, and increases in wages of attendants at the cafes, are the other reasons why cybercafes are increasingly going the way of PCO-STD booths in the city.

Now, the Semi-Private Internet

Rahul (name changed) uses EXCEL very infrequently. But when he was a student in a big engineering college four years back, he used to sometimes go to the bunch of cyber cafes dotting the area surrounding his college in South-west Bhubaneswar. His visits were infrequent; he would go to a cyber cafe for some project related work, to quickly check his Facebook account, or to get his fix of porn. Even when internet was available at home, the cybercafes offered a sense of freedom because of the anonymity of the interface.

There was very little regulation of the cybercafes a few years back, and one could get a cabin and access the net without any identity proof. One could have anonymous chats, browse for pornography and watch it in the semi-privacy of a cubicle, or get one’s dose of social networking sites (sometimes registered in a fake name) without the usual fears when one does these from one’s private connecting devices.

But his accessing the internet through the cybercafes was more often than not a very hesitant activity. Quite a few times there would be people making out in the next cabin; more often than not, these would be seniors or batch-mates from his college. In those days cybercafes were infamous for being places where girls and boys, often college students, with no other place to hang out in, would indulge in some heavy duty necking and petting. The owners of the cafes were aware of what was happening. But they would not interfere, as that would mean turning away customers. Raul did not have a problem with people making out in a cabin that shared the same partition as his cubicle; but, he would feel odd and get a nagging feeling as if he was intruding.

For Rahul. The semi-publicity of the cyber-cafe was manifested by its obverse — semi-privacy. He sometimes misses the hothouse atmosphere of the cybercafes of yore, when you could slice the sexual charge in their atmosphere with a scythe, and reap private moments in ‘public’ places. He has not searched for a cybercafe with any urgency in a long time, because he does not need them for his project work; and his smart phone answers his social networking needs. But he feels a certain moha-maya for the semi-privacies of the internet that existed outside the fully private smartphone and the laptop.

A Panel from Pasurameswar Temple, Bhubaneswar
Photo Credit - Wikimedia Commons

Conclusion

Moha in sankrit means everything from infatuation, delusion, lack of discrimination, ignorance and falling into error, that are captured in the Odia word as well. The word maya also captures all these meanings in both English and Odia. And moha is a vice, for both Shankara and Buddha. It is a vice for Odia saints such as Achyutananda Das and Arakkhita Das as well, spanning the whole pre-modern experience from the 16th to the 19th centuries. Moha-maya is a feeling, a condition that one has to overcome to arrive at true knowledge — knowledge that simultaneously provides insights into the self and the world. 

Hence, to be free from moha-maya one needs to stay in the moment; any moha-maya for the past therefore, is supposed to be spiritually debilitating. Therefore, the Odia relationship with the past is a complicated one. One has to honour tradition; yet, one has to be free of moha-maya of the particular, peculiar, material manifestations of the tradition, of the past. This applies as much to dead relatives, as to disappearing socio-technological forms such as the STD booth and the cyber-cafes.

With the attack on the cybercafe continuing in all these various fronts, it is highly unlikely that it will survive into the third decade of the twenty-first century. But like other attacks on communally shared, semi-public/semi-private social spaces, these attacks of ‘inevitable’ forces of technology and market need to be resisted. But there are no easy answers as to how to go about doing it. 

As for me, even though I have a smart phone that I use to access the internet (as well as using its 'hot-spot' feature to access the net on my laptop), even when I do not need to scan or print, I often pay a routine visit to the neighbourhood cybercafe. Token gesture, I know; but when one is fighting forces that are infinitely larger than oneself, one perhaps has to resort to all kinds instruments of resistance, including the token, ‘weapons of the weak’. One cannot eliminate death, but one can definitely prolong life. Especially, when the final moha-maya is for life itself.

Note: This essay was originally published in September 2015, with the title, 'The many lives and sites of internet in Bhubaneswar,' on the website of Center for Internet and Society (CIS), as part of the ‘Studying Internets in India’ series. 

While editing the piece to post it here on the blog, I tried to update it somewhat so that it did not seem dated. But I realised soon enough that large sections had to be left unedited, so as to give a sense of the time in which it was written, i.e. the middle of the year 2015. Therefore, in a sense, the piece that you have just read is a strange piece, occupying at least two niches of time. 

But it is perhaps no stranger that life itself, where each body in which it is expressed, carries sediments of infinite instants of time. 

Friday, November 13, 2020

ଅସିଆ କାଳର ବାମୁଣ ବାହାଘର

ଶୈଲେନ ରାଉତରାୟ


ଫଟୋ କ୍ରେଡ଼ିଟ୍ - ୱିକିମିଡିଆ କମନ୍ସ୍
ବିଦ୍ୟାଧର ମିଶ୍ର ଓଡ଼ିଶାର ବୌଦ୍ଧିକ ଜଗତରେ ଏକ ଜଣାଶୁଣା ନାମ । ଉପକୂଳବର୍ତ୍ତୀ ଓଡ଼ିଶାର ଏକ ପଲ୍ଲୀଗ୍ରାମରୁ ବାହାରି, ବିଲାତରେ ପ୍ରଶିକ୍ଷିତ ହୋଇ, ସେ ଉତ୍କଳ ବିଶ୍ୱବିଦ୍ୟାଳୟରେ ଅର୍ଥନୀତି ଶିକ୍ଷାର ମୂଳଦୁଆ ପକାଇଥିଲେ । ପରେ ସେ ସେଠାରେ କୁଳପତି ଭାବରେ ମଧ୍ୟ କାମ କରିଥିଲେ । ହେଲେ ତାଙ୍କର ବାହାଘର ପୁରୁଣା ପରମ୍ପରା ଅନୁସାରେ ଘଟିଥିଲା, ସେ ଯେବେ ମାଇନର ପଢ଼ୁଥିଲେ, ତେବେ । ବୋଧେହୁଏ ଗତ ଶତାବ୍ଦୀର ୧୯୩୦ ଦଶକରେ ।
ବରଘରୁ କନ୍ୟାଘର ପନ୍ଦର କିଲୋମିଟର ଖଣ୍ଡେ ହେବ । ବରଘର ଶାସନୀ ଗାଁରେ । ବହୁକୁଟୁମ୍ବୀ, ଖାନଦାନୀ ଘର, ଯୌଥ ପରିବାର । ଅପର୍ଯ୍ୟାପ୍ତ ସମ୍ପତ୍ତିବାଡ଼ି । ଚାଷ ଜମି ଛଡ଼ା ତୋଟା ବଗିଚା ଇତ୍ୟାଦି ମଧ୍ୟ ଥାଏ । ପାତ୍ରକୁ ଚଉଦ ବର୍ଷ ବୟସ । ମାଇନର ସ୍କୁଲରେ ପାଠପଢ଼ା ଚାଲିଥାଏ । ଝିଅକୁ ନଅ ବରଷ । ଝିଅଘରର ଲକ୍ଷାଧିକ ଟଙ୍କାର ମହାଜନୀ କାରବାର ଥାଏ । ଝିଅର ବାପା ତେଜରାତି ଦୋକାନ ଓ ଲୁଗା ଦୋକାନର ମାଲିକ । ଶହେ ମାଣରୁ ବେଶୀ ଚାଷଜମି । ଘରେ ଓ ସିରସ୍ତାରେ କୋଡ଼ିଏରୁ ବେଶୀ ଚାକରବାକର ।
ବିଭାଘର ତିଥି ଥିଲା ଫଗୁଣ ମାସର ଶୁକ୍ଳ ପକ୍ଷ ଦଶମୀ । ଶୀତ ବିଦାୟ ନେଇଯାଇଥିଲେ ବି ଗ୍ରୀଷ୍ମର ଆଗମନ ଘଟିନଥାଏ । ମଙ୍ଗନ ଦିନ ବରଧରା ଆସି ପହଞ୍ଚିଲା ପରେ ବାଜା ଶବଦରେ ଥାଟପଟାଳି ପଡ଼ିଲା । ଶାସନର ଲୋକେ ଓ ନିମନ୍ତ୍ରିତ ଭଦରନୋକେ ଠା’କୁ ପଙ୍ଗତରେ ବସିଲେ । ତା’ ପରଦିନ, ଅର୍ଥାତ ବାହାଘର ଦିନ ବରଯାତ୍ରୀ ପ୍ରାୟତଃ ଚାଲିଚାଲି କନ୍ୟାଘର ଗାଁକୁ ଗଲେ । ଗୁରୁଜନ, ବୟସ୍କ ଲୋକ ଖାଲି ଯାହା ଗଲେ ବଳଦଗାଡ଼ିରେ ଓ ବରବାବୁ ଗଲେ ପାଲିଙ୍କିରେ । ବର ମହାଶୟ ସକାଳ ନଅଟାରୁ ବାହାରିଗଲେ । ସନ୍ଧ୍ୟା ପୂର୍ବରୁ କାମ ତମାମ କରିବାକୁ ପଡ଼ିବ ଯେ ।
ସେତେବେଳେ ଗାଁମାନଙ୍କରେ ବ୍ୟାଣ୍ଡ୍ ବାଜା ଇତ୍ୟାଦିର ପ୍ରଚଳନ ନଥାଏ । କନ୍ୟାଘରର ଦେଢ଼ କିଲୋମିଟର ଖଣ୍ଡେ ଦୂରରୁ ବରର ଶୋଭାଯାତ୍ରା ଆରମ୍ଭ ହେଲା । ବଡ଼ ବାଜା, ଢୋଲ, ମହୁରୀ, ତେଲିଙ୍ଗିବାଜା ଇତ୍ୟାଦି ବାଜିଲା । ବର ପହଞ୍ଚିବା କ୍ଷଣି ବାହାଘରର କର୍ମକର୍ମାଣିର ଶୁଭାରମ୍ଭ ଚାରିଟା ଖଣ୍ଡେ ବେଳକୁ ହେଲା । ବୈଦିକ ରୀତି ଅନୁସାରେ ଲବଣଚାମରୀ, ନାନ୍ଦୀମୁଖ ଶ୍ରାଦ୍ଧ, ବରଙ୍କର ଅଳତା ସିନ୍ଦୁର, କନ୍ୟା ଦାନ, ହାତଗଣ୍ଠି, ଲାଜା ହୋମ, ଅଗ୍ନି ପରିକ୍ରମା ଇତ୍ୟାଦି ସବୁ କର୍ମ ସମ୍ପାଦିତ ହେଲା । କନ୍ୟାକୁ ବାରିକିଆଣି ଜଣେ ବେଦୀ ଉପରକୁ କାଖ କରି ନେଇଆସିଲେ । କର୍ମ ବଢ଼ିଗଲାଠୁ ନେଇଗଲେ ।
ଇଆଡ଼େ ବାହାଘର ଆରମ୍ଭ ହେବା ବେଳକୁ, ବରଯାତ୍ରୀ ଓ ଅନ୍ୟାନ୍ୟ ଅତିଥିମାନେ ଆଳିପଣା ସେବନରେ ମାତିଲେ । ବାହାଘର କାମ ବଢ଼ିଲା ବେଳକୁ, ଆଳିପଣା ଖାଇବା ଶେଷ । ଫୁଲ ସଭା ବସିଲା ଯାଇଁ ରାତ୍ର ଦଶ ଘଟିକାରେ । ସେ ଯୁଗରେ ଫୁଲସଭା ବିଧିମତ ହେଉଥିଲା । ଉଭୟ ପକ୍ଷ ନିମନ୍ତ୍ରିତ କରିଥାଆନ୍ତି ସଂସ୍କୃତପଣ୍ଡିତମାନଙ୍କୁ । ଦୁଇ ପକ୍ଷ ଭିତରେ ଚାଲିଲା ସ‌ଂସ୍କୃତ ଶ୍ଲୋକର ବାଦବୁଦିଆ । ସେଇ ଫୁଲସଭାରେ ସେଦିନ ବରପକ୍ଷରୁ ମୁଣ୍ଡିଆଳ ଥାଆନ୍ତି ମୟୁରଭଞ୍ଜ ରାଜ୍ୟର ସଭାପଣ୍ଡିତ ପ୍ରାଣକୃଷ୍ଣ ଆଚାର୍ଯ୍ୟ । କନ୍ୟା ପକ୍ଷର ନେତା ଥାଆନ୍ତି ଖଡ଼ଗପୁର ମଠ ଟୋଲର ପ୍ରଧାନ ପଣ୍ଡିତ କୃପାସିନ୍ଧୁ ଆଚାର୍ଯ୍ୟ ।
ଶାସ୍ତ୍ରାର୍ଥ ପରେ ଅନ୍ନଭୋଜନର ବ୍ୟବସ୍ଥା ହେଲା । ମାଛ, ଦହି, ଖିରି, ପିଠା, ଯାହାକୁ ଯେତେ । ସେବେ ରାତିରେ ବର କନ୍ୟାକୁ ଶଙ୍ଖା ପିନ୍ଧାଇ ଦେବାର ପ୍ରଚଳନ ଥିଲା । ସେତେବେଳକୁ ରାତି ପାହିଲାଣି । ଶଙ୍ଖା ପିନ୍ଧାଇବା ସହିତ ବାହାଘର କର୍ମକର୍ମାଣି ସରିଲା । ପରଦିନ ସକାଳେ ବରପକ୍ଷ ଓ କନ୍ୟାପକ୍ଷ ଉଭୟଙ୍କୁ ମିଶାଇ ଗୋଟିଏ ସାନ ସଭା ଅନୁଷ୍ଠିତ ହେଲା । 
କନ୍ୟା ସଭାକୁ ଆସି ଓଢ଼ଣା ଟାଣି ବସିଲେ । ଓଢ଼ଣି ଟେକି ବରପକ୍ଷ କନ୍ୟାର ମୁଖଦର୍ଶନ କଲେ, ସାମର୍ଥ୍ୟ ଅନୁସାରେ ଉପହାର ଦେଲେ, ତଥା ତାହା ପରେ ବରଘର ଗାଁକୁ ବାହୁଡ଼ି ଗଲେ । ପଛରେ ବାରିକ ପିଲାଟିଏ ସହିତ ରହିଗଲେ ବର ମହାଶୟ, ଶ୍ରୀମାନ ବିଦ୍ୟାଧର ମିଶ୍ର । କାରଣ ସେତେବେଳେ ଅଷ୍ଟମଙ୍ଗଳା ନ ସରିବା ପର୍ଯ୍ୟନ୍ତ ବାମୁଣ ବର କନ୍ୟା ଘରେ ରହିବାର ପରମ୍ପରା ଥିଲା । ସେହି ଆଠ ଦିନ ଯାକ ଯେ କଅଣ ହେଲା, ତାହା ଆଉ ଏକ କାହାଣୀ ।
ବି.ଦ୍ର. – ଏହି ଲେଖାଟିର ଉପାଦାନ ବିଦ୍ୟାଧର ମିଶ୍ରଙ୍କ ଦ୍ୱାରା ରଚିତ ବହି  ‘ନାନୀ’ର କଟକସ୍ଥ ପ୍ରକାଶନ ସଂସ୍ଥା ବିଦ୍ୟାପୁରୀ ୨୦୦୬ ମସିହାରେ ପ୍ରକାଶିତ ସଂସ୍କରଣରୁ ସଙ୍ଗୃହିତ । ବହିଟିର ପ୍ରଥମ ପ୍ରକାଶନ ୧୯୯୨ ମସିହାରେ ଘଟିଥିଲା । ପୁସ୍ତକଟି ବିଦ୍ୟାଧର ମିଶ୍ର ତାଙ୍କ ସ୍ତ୍ରୀ ଚାନ୍ଦନାଙ୍କ ଉପରେ ଲେଖିଥିଲେ ।

Wednesday, November 11, 2020

'Prayer' by Bhanuji Rao

Translated from the Odia original by Sailen Routray


Painting - 'Palm Trees at Bordighera' (1884)
Painter - Claude Monet (1840-1926)
Photo Credit - Wikimedia Commons

Oh Ishwara! 
May I be granted a fever -
please make me rave,
burn me;
may the mandala of my face
turn pale, yellowish and sickly.
 
I will lie face down on the bed –
like the shadow of a palm tree,
that falls on the edges of a field,
burnt with the sun;
completely tired.
 
Oh Ishwara! 
May I be plagued with diseases.
The restlessness that’s boiling over,
may all that, take the final rest,
with me.
 
While sleeping
I will watch the fleeting birds,
and the momentary cloud
that kneels over a pond breathless
to see its reflected face.
 
May I burn,
may I receive pain;
pour winter onto my bones
oh Lord!
 
He’ll come dreading
the effects of a ripe dejection
and would ask,
“Why is it,
that you didn’t call me earlier?
Don’t you know
what’s good for you?”
 
Oh Ishwara!
Please fill my body
with tens of hundreds of summers!
 
Let it come near me,
at least for once;
as a lonely dove cooing
on the branch of a tree of heaven.
He is perhaps longing like me
to get a whiff of the familiar hair
near his chest.

Note: Bhanuji Rao (1926 - 2001) was an Odia poet born in Cuttack. He worked as a journalist and teacher, working as a language instructor at LBS National Academy of Administration, Mussoorie, for seventeen years. His work as a poet (along with that of other pioneers such as Guruprasad Mohanty) was crucial in the transformation of Odia poetry in the post-independence period. He was quite belatedly honoured with the central Sahitya Akademi award for his collection 'Nai Aarapaari' - 'On the Other Shore' in 1989. He was the grandson of famous Odia poet Madhusudan Rao, and never married. 

Copyright of the English translation rests with the translator. 

Sunday, November 8, 2020

ନଉକା ମୋର ଭାସିଯା, ଯାରେ ଭାସି ଭାସି ଯା

 ଶୈଲେନ ରାଉତରାୟ


ବାଙ୍କି ଆଖପାଖରେ ପ୍ରବାହମାନ ମହାନଦୀର ଦୃଶ୍ୟ (ୱିକିମିଡିଆ କମନ୍ସ୍)

ପ୍ରାକ୍-ବ୍ରିଟିଶ ଓ ବ୍ରିଟିଶ ଅମଳରେ ପ୍ରାକୃତିକ ଓଡ଼ିଶାର ଗମନାଗମନ ବ୍ୟବସ୍ଥାରେ ମହାନଦୀର ଗୁରୁତ୍ତ୍ୱପୂର୍ଣ୍ଣ ଭୂମିକା ରହିଥିଲା । ମହାନଦୀର ତ୍ରିକୋଣଭୂମିରେ ଅବସ୍ଥିତ ସେବେଳର ହରିହରପୁର (ଏବେକାର ଜଗତସିଂହପୁର) ଭାରତର ପ୍ରଥମ ବ୍ରିଟିଶ ଫ୍ୟାକ୍ଟରି ବା ବାଣିଜ୍ୟିକ ପେଣ୍ଠ ଭିତରୁ ଗୋଟିଏ । ଏହା ୧୬୩୩ ମସିହାରେ ସ୍ଥାପିତ ହୋଇଥିଲା । ଏଥିରୁ ମଧ୍ୟଯୁଗୀୟ ଭାରତରେ ମହାନଦୀର ବାଣିଜ୍ୟିକ ଗୁରୁତ୍ତ୍ୱ ଅନୁମେୟ ।

ଥମାସ୍ ମୋଟ୍ଟ୍ ୧୭୬୬ ମସିହାରେ ରିପୋର୍ଟ କରନ୍ତି ଯେ, ମହାନଦୀରେ ଡଙ୍ଗାଗୁଡ଼ିକ ତିରିଶି କୁଇଣ୍ଟାଲ ପର୍ଯ୍ୟନ୍ତ ଜିନିଷ ପରିବହନ କରୁଥିଲେ । ଜେମସ୍ ଡେଭିଡ଼ସନଙ୍କର ଦ୍ୱାରା ଲିଖିତ ଅପ୍ରକାଶିତ ପାଣ୍ଡୁଲିପି ‘ଜର୍ନାଲ ଅଫ୍ ଏ ରୁଟ୍ ଫ୍ରମ୍ କଟକ୍ ଟୁ ନାଗ୍‌ପୁର୍’ରେ ଜଣେ ଅଜ୍ଞାତ ବ୍ରିଟିଶ ପରିବ୍ରାଜକଙ୍କୁ ଆମେ କହିବାର ଶୁଣୁ ଯେ, ବନରାସ ଛାଡ଼ିବା ପରେ ସେ ପ୍ରଥମ ପୋତ ସୋନପୁର ପାଖ ବିନିକା ରେ ହିଁ ଦେଖିଲେ ।

ମହାନଦୀ କୂଳ ବଡ଼ମୂଳ ତଳ ଅଞ୍ଚଳରେ ସେତେବେଳେ ପୋତମାନେ ସତୁରୀ କୁଇଣ୍ଟାଲରୁ ଉର୍ଦ୍ଧ୍ୱ ଓଜନର ମାଲମତା ବୋହିପାରୁଥିଲେ । ଏହାର ଆଠ ଦଶନ୍ଧି ପରେ ଉନବିଂଶ ଶତାବ୍ଦୀର ମଧ୍ୟ ଭାଗରେ ପି.ଡବ୍ଲ୍ୟୁ.ଡି. ବିଭାଗର ରିପୋର୍ଟରୁ ଆମେ ଜାଣୁ ଯେ, ସେତେବେଳେ ମହାନଦୀରେ ଆତଯାତ କରୁଥିବା ଡଙ୍ଗାଗୁଡ଼ିକ ଚାଳିଶିରୁ ଆରମ୍ଭ କରି ୧୪୦ କୁଇଣ୍ଟାଲ ଓଜନର ମାଲ ପରିବହନ କରୁଥିଲେ । ହଣ୍ଟରଙ୍କର ଷ୍ଟାଟିଷ୍ଟିକାଲ ଆକାଉଣ୍ଟ୍‌ରୁ ଏହି ଡଙ୍ଗାଗୁଡ଼ିକରେ ବୁହାହେଉଥିବା ମାଲମାତାର ଓଜନ ୨୫୦ କୁଇଣ୍ଟାଲ ପାଖାପାଖି ଜଣାଯାଏ ।

ଅର୍ଥାତ, ଉନବିଂଶ ଶତାବ୍ଦୀର ମଧ୍ୟଭାଗ ପର୍ଯ୍ୟନ୍ତ, ମହାନଦୀର ନାବିକମାନେ ବହୁ ଓଜନ ବିଶିଷ୍ଟ ମାଲ ପରିବହନ କରିବାରେ ଅଭ୍ୟସ୍ତ ଥିଲେ । କଟକର ଉପର ମୁଣ୍ଡରେ ୨୪୦ କିଲୋମିଟର ପର୍ଯ୍ୟନ୍ତ, ଅର୍ଥାତ ବିନିକା ଯାଏଁ, ଛୋଟ ନାବଗୁଡ଼ିକ ବର୍ଷ ସାରା ଚଳପ୍ରଚଳ ହୋଇପାରୁଥିଲେ । ମହାନଦୀରେ ଯଥେଷ୍ଟ ପାଣି ଥିବା ସମୟରେ ରାୟପୁରର ୩୫ କିଲୋମିଟର ପୂର୍ବରେ ଥିବା ଅରଙ୍ଗ ପର୍ଯ୍ୟନ୍ତ ଡଙ୍ଗାଗୁଡ଼ିକ ଗତି କରିପାରୁଥିଲେ । ମାତ୍ର ଛତିଶଗଡ଼ରେ ପ୍ରାୟତଃ ନାବଗୁଡ଼ିକରେ ମହାନଦୀର ଶାଖା ନଦୀ ଶେଓନାଥ ଉପକୂଳରେ ସ୍ଥିତ ନନ୍ଦଘାଟ ଠାରେ ହିଁ ମାଲ ଭର୍ତ୍ତି କରାଯାଉଥିଲା ।

ମହାନଦୀ୍ରେ ଯାତ୍ରା ପାଇଁ  ନାବିକମାନଙ୍କୁ ବହୁତ କୌଶଳ ପ୍ରୟୋଗ କରିବାକୁ ପଡ଼ୁଥିଲା । ମୌସୁମୀ ସମୟରେ ଏହି ଡଙ୍ଗାଗୁଡ଼ିକର ଗତି ଘଣ୍ଟାକୁ ଆଠରୁ ଦଶ କିଲୋମିଟର ଯାଏଁ ଥିଲା । ଗ୍ରୀଷ୍ମ କାଳରେ ଏହା ଘଣ୍ଟା ପିଛା ତିନି କିଲୋମିଟରକୁ ଖସି ଆସୁଥିଲା । ଏଣୁ ସମ୍ବଲପୁରରୁ କଟକ ପର୍ଯ୍ୟନ୍ତ ଯାତ୍ରା ବର୍ଷା ଦିନେ ମାତ୍ର ଚାରି ଦିନ ଏବଂ ଅନ୍ୟ ୠତୁରେ ୧୨-୧୫ ଦିନ ପର୍ଯ୍ୟନ୍ତ ସମୟ ନେଉଥିଲା । ମହାନଦୀ ଉପରେ ଅବସ୍ଥିତି ଯୋଗୁଁ ହିଁ ସମ୍ବଲପୁର ତଥା ସୋନପୁର ପଶ୍ଚିମ ଓଡ଼ିଶାର ଗୁରୁତ୍ତ୍ୱପୂର୍ଣ୍ଣ ବାଣିଜ୍ୟିକ ପେଣ୍ଠ ଥିଲେ ।

୧୮୦୩ ମସିହାରେ ଓଡ଼ିଶା ବିଜୟ ପରେ ଆମେ ଔପନିବେଶିକ ମହଲରେ ଛତିଶଗଡ଼ରୁ ଜିନିଷ ରପ୍ତାନୀ ପାଇଁ ମହାନଦୀର ଗୁରୁତ୍ତ୍ୱ ବିଷୟକ ଅନେକ ଆଲୋଚନା ଆମେ ଶୁଣିବାକୁ ପାଉ । ୧୮୬୦ ଦଶକର ପ୍ରାରମ୍ଭରେ ସାର ରିଚାର୍ଡ଼ ଟେମ୍ପଲ ଲେଖନ୍ତି ଯେ, ବାର୍ଷିକ ସୋନପୁରକୁ ୨୦୦, କଟକକୁ ୨୦୦, ବିନିକାକୁ ୩୦୫ ଓ ସମ୍ବଲପୁରକୁ ୫୦୦ ପାଖାପାଖି ଡଙ୍ଗା ବାଣିଜ୍ୟ ଉଦ୍ଦେଶ୍ୟରେ ଛତିଶଗଡ଼ରୁ ଧାଡ଼ି ଦେଉଥିଲେ ।

ଛତିଶଗଡ଼ରୁ କଟକକୁ ଆସୁଥିବା ମାଲମତାର ଓଜନ ପ୍ରାୟ ୧୯୦୦ ଟନ୍ (୧୫୨, ୫୪୧ ଟଙ୍କା ମୂଲ୍ୟର) ଓ କଟକରୁ ଛତିଶଗଡକୁ ଯାଉଥିବା ଜିନିଷର ଓଜନ ପ୍ରାୟ ୯୪୦ ଟନ୍ ( ୭୭,୧୮୭ ଟଙ୍କା ମୂଲ୍ୟର) ଥିଲା । ଏହା ଥିଲା ବ୍ରିଟିଶ ଓଡ଼ିଶା ଓ ଛତିଶଗଡ଼ ଭିତରେ ମହାନଦୀରେ ବାଣିଜ୍ୟରେ ହିସାବ । ମହାନଦୀ ଉପରେ ଘଟୁଥିବା ସ୍ଥାନୀୟ ବାଣିଜ୍ୟ ବୋଧେହୁଏ ପରିମାଣରେ ଏହାର ବହୁ ଗୁଣ ଥିଲା । ଯଥା ଅନୁଗୁଳରୁ କଟକ ପର୍ଯ୍ୟନ୍ତ କାଠଗଡ଼ ଭସାଯାଇ ବ୍ୟାବସାୟିକ ଉପଯୋଗ ପାଇଁ ବ୍ୟବହାର କରାଯଉଥିଲା । ଏହା ଉପରୋକ୍ତ ଛତିଶଗଡ଼-ବ୍ରିଟିଶ ଓଡ଼ିଶାର ବାଣିଜ୍ୟର ହିସାବରୁ ବାହାରେ ।

ମହାନଦୀ ଯୋଗୁଁ ହିଁ ଓଡ଼ିଶାର ଆଭ୍ୟନ୍ତରୀଣ ବାଣିଜ୍ୟ, ଔପନିବେଶିକ ଶାସନ ଉନବିଂଶ ଶତାବ୍ଦୀର ତୃତୀୟ ଚଉଠ ପର୍ଯ୍ୟନ୍ତ ପାକଳ ନ ହେବା ପର୍ଯ୍ୟନ୍ତ, ଏକ ପଶ୍ଚିମ-ଦକ୍ଷିଣପୂର୍ବ କର୍ଣ୍ଣ ଦେଇ, ନଈର ପ୍ରବାହର ସହ ସଙ୍ଘଟିତ ହେଉଥିଲା । ବ୍ରିଟିଶ ଶାସନ କଳର ପ୍ରଭାବରେ ରେଳ ଇତ୍ୟାଦି ଫିଟି ଯିବାରୁ ଧିରେ ଧିରେ କଲିକତା ସହିତ ଓଡ଼ିଶାର ବାଣିଜ୍ୟିକ ସମ୍ପର୍କ ବଢ଼ିଲା ଓ ଆପେକ୍ଷିକ ଭାବରେ ଛତିଶଗଡ଼ ଓ ଗଡ଼ଜାତମାନଙ୍କ ସହିତ ବ୍ରିଟିଶ ଓଡ଼ିଶାର ମହାନଦୀ ଦେଇ ଘଟୁଥିବା ବାଣିଜ୍ୟର ଗୁରୁତ୍ୱ ଛିଡ଼ିବାକୁ ଆରମ୍ଭ କଲା । ଏହି ବିଷୟରେ ଅଧିକ ଗବେଷଣାର ଆବଶ୍ୟକତା ରହିଛି ।

ଗ୍ରନ୍ଥସୂଚୀ

ରବି ଆହୁଜା । ୨୦୦୪ । ‘ଓପନିଙ୍ଗ ଅପ୍ ଦି କଣ୍ଟ୍ରି’ ? ପ୍ୟାଟର୍ଣ୍ଣସ୍ ଅଫ୍ ସିର୍କୁଲେସନ୍ ଆଣ୍ଡ୍ ପଲିଟିକ୍ସ୍ ଅଫ୍ କମ୍ୟୁନିକେଶନ ଇନ୍ ଅର୍ଲି କଲୋନିଆଲ୍ ଓଡ଼ିଶା । ଷ୍ଟଡ଼ିଜ୍ ଇନ୍ ହିଷ୍ଟ୍ରୀ ୨୦() : ୭୩-୧୩୦ ପୃଷ୍ଠା ।

ଥମାସ୍ ମୋଟ୍ଟ୍ । ୨୦୧୦ । ଏ ନ୍ୟାରେଟିଭ୍ ଅଫ୍ ଏ ଜର୍ଣ୍ଣି ଟୁ ଦି ଡାଇମଣ୍ଡ ମାଇନ୍ସ୍ ଆଟ୍ ସମ୍ଭଲପୁର୍, ଇନ୍ ଦି ପ୍ରୋଭିନ୍ସ୍ ଅଫ୍ ଓଡ଼ିଶା । ଫୋର୍ କର୍ଣ୍ଣର୍ସ୍ ତଥା ପ୍ରଫୁଲ୍ଲ ।

ଏଚ୍.ଏଚ୍. ଡଡ୍-ୱେଲ୍ (ସମ୍ପାଦକ) । ୧୯୨୯ । ଦି କେମ୍ବ୍ରିଜ୍ ହିଷ୍ଟ୍ରୀ ଅଫ୍ ଦି ବ୍ରିଟିଶ୍ ଏମ୍ପାୟାର୍: ଭଲ୍ୟୁମ୍ ୪ (୧୪୯୭-୧୮୫୮) । କେମ୍ବ୍ରିଜ୍ ୟୁନିଭର୍ସିଟି ପ୍ରେସ୍ : କେମ୍ବ୍ରିଜ୍  ।

ଟୀକା: ଏହି ଲେଖାଟି "ସମ୍ଭାବନା" ପତ୍ରିକାର ଅଗଷ୍ଟ ୨୦୧୭ ସଙ୍ଖ୍ୟାରେ 'ଓଡ଼ିଶାର ଗମନାଗମନ ଓ ମହାନଦୀର ମହାଦାନ' ଶୀର୍ଷକରେ ପ୍ରଥମେ ପ୍ରକାଶିତ ହୋଇଥିଲା । 

Friday, November 6, 2020

The Many Biographies of 'New India'

Sailen Routray


Sorghum Field in Mexico (Wikimedia Commons)

The growth of literary modernity in India, in the second half of the nineteenth century, involved a peculiar set of maneuvers of which two were, arguably, the most important. The first of these had to do with the fabrication of a set of narrative devices that invented the individual, through the recreation of the western models of writing biographies and some time later, autobiographies. The second one tried something similar. The norms and conventions of eighteenth and nineteenth century European, especially English, novel writing were adopted with considerable chutzpah by writers such as Bankim Chandra Chatterjeeand Phakir Mohan Senapati. A considerable part of this adoption dealt with the manufacturing of a certain interiority by creating individual characters.

Thus, fiction, instead of narrating stories, started narrating the lives of characters. The overall social space of narrative, therefore, got framed in a peculiar way. At a meta-level the space of narrative got differentiated into fiction and non-fiction. This was something new in India’s literary history. 

Till the colonial encounter, the ‘truth value’ of narrative was rarely the issue at hand. The debate about whether a story was true or fictional was not central to debates surrounding story-telling. For example, one dominant set of narratives in this period was that of puranas. These stitched songs genealogies, discourses on dharma, and stories embedded in a Chinese box fashion, into a seamless kantha with varying degrees of success.

Puranas were narratives that were neither true nor false. They sidestepped issues surrounding truth the way a mongrel street dog in a narrow Indian gali sidesteps a particularly fearsome tom cat. The restructuring of the literary space in India during nineteenth century under colonialism tried to ‘correct’ precisely this ‘lacunae’. 

‘Truth’ and concerns surrounding it precipitated the Indian literary space into fiction and biography (later autobiographies also became increasingly important). What made novels and biographies the same kind of texts was the focus on ‘characters’, their interiority, and the ways in which the flow of narrative and the ‘flow’ of a person’s life started mimicking each other.

For a large number of Indian languages, during the five decades across the divide between the 19th and 20th centuries, modern short stories and novels became the dominant fictional form and biographies and autobiographies became the dominant form of non-fiction. In Indian English, the novel started becoming important for literary practice only after independence in 1947, with the form becoming dominant only with the spectacular success of Saleem Sinai of Bombay. Now the Indian English novel enjoys almost a hegemonic stranglehold over the literary imaginary of India. 

Over the last few years there has been a reaction to such a state of affairs with many writers slowly turning to non-fiction. The most famous example of this is perhaps Arundhati Roy who, after her landmark novel The god of small things, has written only non-fiction. The three books under review here are all works of literary non-fiction, and in some sense exemplify this trend. All the three books are self-consciously about the lives and times of the 'new India', and follow a more or less traditional biographical approach to narrate their stories.

Female Construction Worker in India (Wikimedia Commons)

The beautiful and the damned (henceforth referred to as TBATD) is, at first glance, structured around four sectors of the Indian economy. The first chapter (after the introduction) tells the story of the new sunrise IT-BPO industry. The second chapter tells the story of red sorghum, a crop grown to feed India’s rapidly expanding livestock industry, and raises alarm about the apparent beginning of the end of Indian agriculture as we known it. 

The book's third chapter narrates the story of ‘old’ industrial sectors such as steel, and the ways in which cheap, exploited footloose migrant labour produces the huge profits that support the supposedly high GDP growth rates of the Indian economy, and the hideously decadent lifestyles of India’s plutocracy. The fourth and the last chapter is the story of the exploding Indian hospitality industry, and the minorities, especially the ethnic minorities from the northeastern states, that support it. 

But scratch the narrative surface a little, and biographies of a set of complex and fascinating characters such as the computer engineer Chakravarthy Prasad, alias Chak, the dalit overground Maoist Devaram and his associates, the seed baron Mahipal, the migrant workers Mohan, Dibyajoti, and Pradip, and the Manipuri waiter Esther in the ultra-chic New Delhi restaurant Zest become the pillars and the arches that prop up the lean architecture of TBATD. 

Beautiful thing (henceforth referred to as BT) centers around the bar dancer Leela from the Bombay suburb of Mira Road. BT is the story of a woman who escapes from a family where her father set himself up as her pimp, to become one of the star dancers of the Bombay dance bar 'Night Lovers'. Leela takes the owner of the bar Shetty as her ‘husband’, and fights a losing battle against other younger competitors for his fleeting attentions. 

A little after midway into the narrative, the story of Leela becomes the story of the dance bar industry in Bombay, when a politician from the party in power takes on the industry, and successfully shuts it down with grave consequences for the dancers. The book details the struggles of Leela, and the ways in which she tries to fashion a sense of self despite the stock tropes that society has created for ‘those women’.

A free man has Mohammed Ashraf, a safediwala originally from Bihar, but now resident in Bara Tooti Chowk in Delhi, as its protagonist. Sethi slowly stitches together the story of this man (along with those of his friends) whose life is a work in the model of the stereotype of tribal art; painted with broad strokes and with solid, primary colours, and executed with a winning disregard for coherence of composition. 

A Street in Delhi (Wikimedia Commons)

Ashraf is the kind of footloose labour whose life Deb does not detail out for us. He is a divorcee whose marriage and its dissolution still has the capacity to haunt him. He is prone to binge drinking and calling acquaintances such as Sethi in the wee hours of the morning; whose self-description is “mast maula, dil chowda, seena sandook, lowda bandook! A dancing adventurer, with my heart for a treasure chest and my penis for a gun (p. 70).” 

He and his friends are caught up in the neo-colonial remaking of the city of Delhi, where the poor are being increasingly pushed out of sight and out of the ‘mind of the city’ and their livelihoods and homes are being destroyed with impunity.

All the three books under discussion here try to provide us accounts primarily from the margins; these margins might be economic, geographical, ethnic, social or religious. But is the new India only about the margins? But this charge can perhaps be made with greater felicity against TBATD as compared to the other two books. BT and AFM are not overtly and self-consciously about the new India. They are structured around very clearly identified individual protagonists.

But TBATD is purportedly about ‘the new India’. Two questions remain to be answered if one wants to produce this kind of global narrative about India. First, one needs to give accounts of the quotidian lives, aspirations and motivations of the middle classes who are perhaps the biggest beneficiaries of the processes that are radically reshaping ‘the new India’? Pankaj Mishra’s precocious Butter chicken in Ludhiana captures early stirrings of this process. 

Second, if one chooses to tell the story of ‘the new India’ through an appliqué work of biographies then can one tell such a story without the story of such ‘anachronisms’ like 'Dalit Indian  Chamber of Commerce and Industry', or the increasingly vocal and visible queer subcultures in all large Indian cities? The unleashing of predatory capitalism has not merely created footloose labour, it has also created the footloose queer. But TBATD fails to capture this sense of new possibilities that have been brought into being by the demons released by contemporary socio-economic processes in India.

But there are many ways in which TBATD scores over the other two books under review. BT and AFM both use desi words and expressions liberally, sometimes with a jarring effect. Sethi is more effective, because unlike Faliero his usage of Hindi words and Indianisms are both less frequent and more useful. If one uses certain words for conveying a sense of place and milieu, then such usage has to be pitch-perfect. Otherwise, it falls flat. For example, the Hindi expression 'chhammak chhallo' - 'cha' with aspiration - is wrongly spelt as 'chamak' in BT. But, to be fair, both these books are otherwise well written, empathetic towards the protagonists, and help access lives that the reading public of Indian English is unfamiliar with.

My quibble with all the three books is much larger. These three books of literary non-fiction (and other books of non-fiction about contemporary India), are, in some sense, attempts at conveying ‘the facts’. These have a representational notion of the relationship between reality and texts. 

An engagement with contemporary texts (both fictional and non-fictional) about India reveals that this notion and the related differentiation of the narrative space into fiction and non-fiction, and the resultant narrative tropes and registers are increasingly less able to capture the hybridity and fecundity that India’s social milieu now offers. This assertion calls for a longer discussion elsewhere. But if English language fiction seems unable to help us grasp our contemporaneity in a nuanced fashion, then does shifting back into The New Yorker style long-form journalism the only way to make sense of the present? 

The present conjuncture in India requires not literary non-fiction (or conventional fiction for that matter), but hybrid narrative forms as exemplified by the puranas. Is the time ripe now for subverting the conventions of narrative differentiation of literary modernity, and cannibalise the story-telling forms of our pre-colonial past to access and make sense of our ever-present futures?

Note: A version of this review essay was first published in 2012 in the news magazine Hard News, Volume 9, Issue 4. 

Books Under Review

Deb, Siddhartha. 2011. The beautiful and the damned: life in the new India. New Delhi: Penguin Viking.

Faleiro, Sonia. 2010. Beautiful thing: inside the secret world of Bombay’s dance bars. New Delhi: Penguin Hamish Hamilton.

Sethi, Aman. 2011. A free man. Noida and London: Random House India.  

ବାଳ ବର୍ଗ ୭ ପାଲି 'ଧର୍ମପଦ'ର ଓଡ଼ିଆ ପଦ୍ୟାନୁବାଦ ଅନୁବାଦକ - ଶୈଲେନ ରାଉତରାୟ ଇଣ୍ଡୋନେସିଆ ଦେଶର ବୋରବୋଦୁର ସ୍ତୁପ ଫଟୋ କ୍ରେଡ଼ିଟ - ୱିକିମିଡିଆ କମନ୍ସ୍ ଓଡ...