Saturday, June 26, 2021
Sunday, June 20, 2021
Celebration
Sailen Routray
Folk Art Created for 'Manabasa Gurubar Festival Photo Credit - Wikimedia Commons |
December’s cold does not fall any longer
like the hunger of shivering sharks;
the stars are no longer visible
red means blood now;
green - the intoxication of false histories;
saffron is the colour of disquiet;
But, does this mean
strange psychedelic nightmares;
and velvet mites shall not bathe
Does this mean our intimate dejections
will not play Chinese checkers;
and the green ilisis of our illegitimate hopes
will not swear to brotherhood?
Come,
let’s mix colours;
let us distribute rainbows.
Friday, June 18, 2021
ମାର୍କସ ଅରିଲସଙ୍କର 'ବିଚାରମାଳା'
ପ୍ରଥମ କାଣ୍ଡ: ୧-୧୫ ଅଧ୍ୟାୟ
ଅନୁବାଦକ - ଶୈଲେନ ରାଉତରାୟ
Sunday, June 13, 2021
From hada to sistam
Reading Land and People in Bijapur
Sailen Routray
There has been an academic division of labour in India
regarding agriculture as a field of study. The study of agriculture has
primarily received the attention of economists. Much of it has been framed
within the mode of production debate in the context of the capitalist
transformation of Indian agriculture. The anthropological study of rural India
has left issues of political economy unattended.
This has been reflected in the neglect of agriculture as a field of study by the discipline and the relatively marginal presence of the subfield of sociology/social anthropology of agriculture in India. The book Harbingers of Rain (HoR), by social anthropologist A. R. Vasavi, therefore, fills in an important gap in literature.
It provides an anthropological critique of the economism implicit in the academic discourse about agriculture by exploring the agricultural cosmology of the people in Bijapur in North Karnataka. It looks at the history of droughts and famines in the region and the ways in which traditional provisioning systems had tried to respond to such periods of ecological and human stress.
HoR also maps the official discourse that constructs Bijapur as ‘drought-prone’ and therefore, in need of ‘development’ and state intervention. The book then locates the interface of the ‘development regime’ with the life world of people in Bijapur, and tries to frame the emergent cultural forms based on the Geertzian premise of the necessity of analytical disjunction between culture and social structure.
HoR can be located within a web of interlinked academic discourses. It can be framed within the discourse of post-coloniality, especially surrounding the theorization of hybridity and can be retrospectively seen as foreshadowing Akhil Gupta’s work on hybridity of agricultural practices. Since it counter-posits local, context specific, ‘appropriate’ knowledge of the ‘agro-cultural’ systems against the uniform, ‘scientific’ knowledge of the agricultural extension bureaucracy, it can also be located in the contemporary discourse surrounding local/indigenous knowledge.
HoR also takes certain methodological debates forward. There has been a long-standing debate in Indian social anthropology about the validity, or otherwise, of ‘the village’ as an object of study and as a unit of analysis. By explicating the common (although rapidly modifying) ideological contours of the life world of the villagers, it makes a case for redefining ‘the village’ as a valid site for anthropological work. By locating the village within the large ‘field’ of the region (Bijapur), the author attempts to historicize the cosmology and life-world of the people.
This volume frames the agricultural cosmology of the region of Bijapur in terms of three underlying precepts. They are bhumi guna (soil characteristics), hada (appropriateness), and hulige (bestowed abundance). These precepts give primacy to ‘a homological and analogical relationship between natural and social contexts, objects and processes.'
The principles of substantialism and context-specificity underlie these percepts. The principle of substantialism posits the existence of essences as the substratum of phenomena. These concepts make for a larger cosmological complex that links the land, the crops, the seasons and the rains, with the people and their actions and their social transactions. These precepts also link up the various communities of the region (‘low-caste’ pastoralists, Lingayat agriculturists and Muslims) into one coherent, communal matrix of rainmaking.
According to the precept of bhumi guna (soil characteristics), particular kinds of land in Bijapur have particular kinds of properties, and they lend themselves for particular practices. The land is divided into principally three categories, yere, maadi and thota based on the kind of crops they support and the climatic periods they are best suited for.
The precept of bhumi guna is intimately linked with that of hada or appropriateness. Hada governs the matrix of agricultural practices through the formulation of appropriateness regarding the proper period of time, condition etc. This precept links the quality of the soil, rains and that of the crops in a web of context-specific agricultural interventions that must be learnt and creatively used.
Although hulige has the connotations of productivity, it is not economic in nature; rather it is a sacralized notion of abundance. Hulige is encoded into the socio-agricultural landscape by the various rituals that link the natural with the social in one large cosmic complex. This cosmology is posited as having undergone erosion in the recent past.
But it is not very clear from the book, whether there have been any significant markers in such a process of erosion. There is also the absence of the pastoralists’ cosmologies surrounding agriculture. The book thus buys into the dominant paradigm of looking into agriculture through the lens of settled cultivation.
But the discourse surrounding the socio-agricultural region of Bijapur is a contested terrain. By the ‘outsiders’ it has always been perceived, and discursively created, as a marginal area. But until very recently, the people of the region saw the region as karinadu, the land of fertile black soil and of virtuous, hardworking agriculturists.
A. R. Vasavi |
After the British conquest of Bijapur, the region saw a series of droughts and famines the memory of which have seeped into folk memory. The culture and the social structure of the region have been shaped through a process of adjustment to such climatic events. The provisioning in times of ecological stress like droughts was embedded in the social structure and the instruments of statecraft that had grown in response to them.
The local elites consolidated their power through a process of resource augmentation for the poor in times of stress. The British drastically transformed such systems by changing the local balance of power. As a result, people started losing their coping abilities. The British provisioning of relief was not very successful because it did not take into account factors like caste taboos, general social sanctions related to accepting relief regarding loss of status etc.
But by the beginning of the last century (incidentally the time when the seeds of the developmental state were being sown) relief started becoming culturally more acceptable. Now it is seen as a right that the state has to guarantee. But this is not conceptualized in the book in the context of the growth of the developmental state in India.
Linked to these processes of transformation, have been changes in the provisioning system. Contemporary communal provisioning mechanisms in this context include the systems of dasoha, aya and dana. Dasoha stems from the religious practices of Virasaiva sect as practiced by the Lingayats, the dominant caste in the region. It involves communal partaking of food after it has been offered to the various village deities in the month of Shravana (July-Aug). People across caste groups are involved.
Aya is like the baluta system in Maharashtra. In the aya system families receive food and land for cultivation from the landed families for services rendered to the village. Dana involves voluntary gifts of grain to the laboring and service castes during the times of harvest. Both dana and aya transactions take place during harvest time.
Therefore, it is only dasoha that seems to mitigate resource stress during times of recurrent and periodic scarcity to any significant extent. These systems are also not geared towards tiding over times of ecological stress and moreover ‘are premised on cultural codes’. Thus, these provisioning systems cannot be said to constitute a ‘moral economy’.
Because of the hierarchy implicit in aya and dana transactions, they are being substantively challenged by the ‘lower’ castes now. This challenge by the ‘lower’ castes is not articulated properly in the volume. The impact of the changing caste dynamics, and the ways in which the changing patterns of migration of the ‘lower’ castes influence agricultural practices, are not explored thoroughly by the book.
The relief apparatus of the state has taken over the earlier provisioning systems. This has been linked to the discursive creation of Bijapur as a backward, drought-prone district that needs the interventions of the developmentalist state. The growth and the acceptance of the relief dispensing apparatus have been accompanied by the growth and acceptance of the ‘knowledge’ and ‘power’ of the Agricultural Extension Service.
The acceptance of green revolution technology by farmers in the region has not been a simple matter of technological appropriation. This has involved significant changes in the agricultural cosmology as well. Utpati or increase in production has begun to supplant hulige, and sistam (or being systematic according to the canons of ‘modern’ and ‘scientific’ agriculture) has begun to replace the precept of appropriateness – or hada.
This has been linked to two parallel processes. On the one hand it has meant the growing capitalist penetration of agriculture in Bijapur and a set of attendant structural changes contingent upon local factors. On the other hand, it has meant the creation of subjectivities that are being shaped by the developmentalist state and the market characterized by being sistam for the creation of utpati.
But the challenge to local cosmologies has not gone unchallenged. The ‘sistamized’ state subjects of Bijapur have been part of a process of creation of a discourse of ‘hybridity’ that comments, and discursively challenges, the politico-cultural changes sweeping the countryside. The older folk of the region characterizes the contemporary period as ‘hybrid times’, and the contemporaneous people as ‘hybrid people’ who have lost their former wholeness.
This is symbolized, for example, by the non-usage of hybrid seeds for ritual purposes. But it might be inappropriate to characterize this discourse as resistance, as there is growing disjunction between these rituals and the social structure in which they are embedded. It is in contexts like this that the book’s emphasis on the need to have an analytical disjuncture between social structure and culture stands validated.
HoR does not substantiate the supposed capitalist transformation of the countryside of Bijapur with substantive quantitative data and analysis. Despite attempts to be inclusive in the representation of the voices of various communities, it gives prominence to the life-world of the landowning communities. Moreover the ecological context of agriculture is treated as a given and the conceptual difficulties of positing a clear-cut distinction between the cultivated and the wild in the Indian context are not explored satisfactorily.
Despite these limitations, the book marked a definite methodological advance when it was first published 22 years back. It has also created a disciplinary space for the study of agriculture in Indian social anthropology. It explores aspects of Indian society that very few social anthropologists have explored even now. It has become a classic sociological/anthropological study of rural India, and is a must read for anyone interested in the classic questions related to continuity and change in Indian society.
Bibliographic Details: A. R. Vasavi. Harbingers of Rain: Land and Life in South India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. 1999. 178 pp. Notes, appendices, glossary, bibliography, index.
Friday, June 11, 2021
ଛତା ନେଇ କାମକୁ
ବିନୋଦ କୁମାର ଶୁକ୍ଲା
ଅନୁବାଦକ - ଶୈଲେନ ରାଉତରାୟ
ବ୍ରୁକ୍ଲିନ୍, ନ୍ୟୁୟର୍କର ଫ୍ଲଏଡ଼୍ ବେନେଟ୍ ଉଡାଜାହାଜ ପଡ଼ିଆର ଏକ ପରିତ୍ୟକ୍ତ କୋଠାର ଗ୍ରାଫିଟି (୨୦୨୦) ଫଟୋ କ୍ରେଡ଼ିଟ୍ - ୱିକିମିଡିଆ କମନ୍ସ୍ |
Thursday, June 10, 2021
Tegucigalpa
Sailen Routray
Sunday, June 6, 2021
ରେଭେନ୍ସାର ଖାନା
ଶୈଲେନ ରାଉତରାୟ
ରେଭେନ୍ସାର ପୂର୍ବ ଛାତ୍ରାବାସର ଆଲୋକଚିତ୍ର (ଅପ୍ରେଲ ୨୦୨୦) ଫଟୋ କ୍ରେଡ଼ିଟ୍ - ୱିକିମିଡିଆ କମନ୍ସ୍ |
ଦିନ ଥିଲା, କଲେଜେ କହିଲେ
ନୋକେ ବୁଝୁଥିଲେ ଗୋଟିଏ ଜେଗା - କଟକର ରେଭେନ୍ସା । ତା'ର କାରଣ ବି ଥେଲା । ଏ ରାଇଜ ସାରା (କହିବାକୁ
ଖାଲି ରାଇଜ - ପକୃତରେ ଥେଲା ବାର ଭାଇଙ୍କର ଇଜିମାଇଲି ଗାଡ଼ିଆ), ମାନେ କୁଜଙ୍ଗରୁ କୁଚିଣ୍ଡା ପର୍ଯ୍ୟନ୍ତ,
ଜଶୀପୁରରୁ ଲକ୍ଷ୍ମୀପୁର ଯାଏଁ ବ୍ୟାପିଥିବା ଓଡିଆଭାଷୀ ଅଞ୍ଚଳରେ ଥିଲା ଗୋଟିଏ କଲେଜେ - ରେଭେନ୍ସା
କଲେଜେ ।
ପ୍ରସିଦ୍ଧ କଥାକାର ବସନ୍ତ ଶତପଥୀ ୧୯୩୩ ମସିହାରେ ରେଭେନ୍ସାରେ ବୃତ୍ତିଧାରୀ ଛାତ୍ର ଭାବରେ ପଢ଼ିବାକୁ ଆସିଲା ବେଳକୁ ୧୮୬୮
ମସିହାରେ ଛଅ ଜଣ ପିଲାଙ୍କୁ ଧରି ଖୋଲାଯାଇଥିବା ଇଣ୍ଟରମେଡିଏଟେ କଲେଜେରେ ସେତେବେଳକୁ ଇଂରେଜିରେ ଏମ୍.ଏ.
ଖୋଲି ସାରିଥିଲା । ଆଇ.ଏ. ରେ ବସନ୍ତ ବାବୁଙ୍କର ବିଷୟ ଥିଲା ଇତିହାସ, ଲଜିକ୍, ସଂସ୍କୃତ । ରହୁଥିଲେ
ଇଷ୍ଟ୍ ହଷ୍ଟେଲରେ ।
ହଷ୍ଟେଲରେ ସକାଳ ଜଳଖିଆରେ
ମିଳୁଥିଲା ଚାରିଟା ପୁରୀ ଓ ତରକାରୀ । ଦିନବେଳା ଆମିଷ ଖାଉଥିବା ଲୋକଙ୍କ ପାଇଁ ସବୁଦିନ ମାଛ । ଶନିବାର
ଦିନ ମାଂସ । ରାତିରେ କାନିକା । ଯେ ମାଂସ ନ ଖାଆନ୍ତି ତାଙ୍କ ପାଇଁ ରସଗୋଲା ଓ ଦିବ୍ୟ ଅନ୍ନ । ଉପରବେଳା
ଜଳଖିଆ ଚାରିରୁ ଛଅଟା ଭିତରେ; ଖାଇବା ପାଇଁ ମୋହନଭୋଗ ନ ହେଲେ କାକରା । ହଷ୍ଟେଲେରେ ଥିଲା
ମିଠା ଦୋକାନଟିଏ - ଯିଏ ଚାହିଁବ କିଣି କରି ଖାଇପାରିବ । ପୂଜାରୀ ଭାବରେ ଥିଲେ ଧନି, କେଶବ, ବେଙ୍ଗ ।
ସମସ୍ତଙ୍କ ପାଇଁ ପିତ୍ତଳ ଥାଳି, ଗିନା ଓ ଗିଲାସ ।
ପ୍ରତି ମାସର ଶେଷ ଶନିବାରରେ ହେଉଥିଲା ବିଶେଷ ମାସିକିଆ ରାଜକୀୟ ଭୋଜି । ପଲଉ । ପଲଉ ସହିତ ମାଂସର
ଚପ୍, କଟଲେଟ୍ ଓ ଝୋଳ । ସାଧାଖିଆଙ୍କ ପାଇଁ ଛଅସାତ ଠା' ନିରାମିଷ ତରକାରୀ । ସେଥିରେ ବଢ଼ାହେଉଥିଲା
ଦୁଇତିନି ଠା' ମିଠା ଓ ଖିରି । ସାଥିରେ କିସିମିସି ଦିଆ ଖଜୁରୀ ଖଟା ।
ହଷ୍ଟେଲେ ଖାଇବା ବାହାରେ ପାଟି ଟକଳେଇଲେ ବା ଭୋକ କଲେ ଆଶ୍ରା ହେଲା ଅନୁ ପାନ ଦୋକାନ ପାଖକୁ କୁଞ୍ଜିଆ ମିଠା ଦୋକାନ । ଚାରି ପଇସାରେ ଚାରୋଟି ରୁଟି ଭଳିଆ ବଡ଼ ବଡ଼ ଲୁଚି ଓ ପୁଡ଼ାଏ ଆଳୁଦମ । ତାଙ୍କ ଦୋକାନର ପାନ୍ତୁଆ ଅପୂର୍ବ ।
ବର୍ତ୍ତମାନର
ନେତାଜୀଙ୍କ ମୂର୍ତ୍ତି ପାଖରେ ଗୁଜୁରାଟୀ ଦୋକାନରେ ମିଳେ ଗାଣ୍ଠିଆ, ସେଉ, ମହୀଶୂରପାଗ ମିଠା, ଚଟଣି ଆଉ
ଚାହା । କଲେଜର ଆଦର୍ଶ ସ୍ଥାନୀୟ ଶିକ୍ଷକ, ଲାଇବ୍ରେରୀ ଓ ପାଠପଢ଼ା ସହ, ପିଲାଙ୍କୁ ବାନ୍ଧି ରଖୁଥିଲା
ମନକୁ ଟାଣି ରଖିଲା ଭଳି ନାନା ପ୍ରକାରର ଖାଇବା ।
ଟୀକା: ଏହି କ୍ଷୁଦ୍ର ପ୍ରବନ୍ଧଟିର ଉପାଦାନ ୨୦୦୮ ମସିହାରେ ପ୍ରକାଶିତ ବସନ୍ତ ଶତପଥୀଙ୍କର ଆତ୍ମଜୀବନୀ 'ମନେପଡ଼େ' ରୁ ସଙ୍ଗୃହିତ । ବହିଟିର ସମ୍ପାଦକ ହେଲେ ସୁମନ୍ୟୁ ଶତପଥୀ ଓ ପ୍ରକାଶକ ହେଲେ ଭୁବନେଶ୍ୱରସ୍ଥ ସଂସ୍ଥା ଶିକ୍ଷାସନ୍ଧାନ । ଲେଖାଟି ପ୍ରଥମେ ପାକ୍ଷିକ ପତ୍ରିକା 'ସମଦୃଷ୍ଟି' ଛାପିଥିଲେ ।
Wednesday, June 2, 2021
Travel Without Arrival
Working in the New South Asia
Clockwork of the Holy Cross Church (2019) Location: Dülmen, North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany Photo Credit - Wikimedia Commons |
I lived as a doctoral student in North Bangalore for six years, starting from 2005. Around the time I submitted my thesis, I joined a new university in the city where I worked as a Senior Lecturer. Its temporary campus was located in the southern outskirts of the city. I moved from one extremity of the city to the other. But, the shift was not merely geographical.
Often when using the Yeshwantpur station near the institute where I was a student, one would often see women wearing brightly coloured cheap saris pouring out of the trains. After the first few such instances one realized that these women serviced the large textile industry that the city is a home to. Although the garment belt of the city extends through its southern and the western parts, the northern part of the city where one lived and studied had a good concentration of these as well.
In contrast, the southern part of the city to which I shifted for work for three and half years, houses the IT and BPO industry that has created the image of Bangalore as the ‘Silicon Valley of India’. Both the industries employ comparable number of people and play important roles in the regional and national economy.
But, it
is the IT-BPO industry that is central to the identity of the city, and
sometimes has been used as a proxy surrounding globalization in India. The
workers in the industry have been variously hailed as vanguards of the new
service industries or India or have been slammed as cyber coolies or worse.
More nuanced and fine-grained studies that can inform our understanding about
this apparently new phenomenon in India have been non-existent till very
recently. But slowly, some studies have started emerging that provide stories
from the ground that help us make sense of the lives of people working in the
industry without taking recourse to tired binaries.
Phone Clones by Kiran Mirchandani is a welcome addition to this bourgeoning literature. Based on one hundred interviews with workers in the cities of New Delhi, Bangalore and Pune, it frames its discussions around what it terms as ‘authenticity work’. The term authenticity has often been used in the context of production of art in particular and/or cultural production in general. But in the context of transnational service work, authenticity refers to the quality of the service provided, where the worker has to not only imitate the accent of the American customers but learn their cultural context as well, so that she can be pitch perfect in what the book calls ‘aesthetic labor’.
Thus, through a paradoxical process, the Indian transnational service workers are able to do authenticity work by turning into cultural clones – phone clones. This aesthetic labour involves not only imitation of accents and learning elements of American popular culture, but also codes of professionalism, entrepreneurialism and productivism.
A part of internalizing this code of
professionalism involves dealing with racist abuse from the customers, and an
intense scrutiny of time spent at work. The industry's need for workers to labour at night involves significant dislocations from the
temporality that is naturally coupled with their geographical locations.
For this reviewer, the principal question around which both Phone Clones and Answer the Call revolve is this – what are the dynamics of subjectivity that are at work through the contemporary processes of globalization that make for migration of services without the migration of the worker. Phone Clone more or less exclusively focuses on the ways in which transnational service providers in the BPO industry in India fashion their subjectivities in the services of global capital.
Answer the Call (Henceforth referred to as ATC) argues that as the transnational service providers carry the mechanism of space-time compression quivering on their vocal cords, virtual migration (through time, through checkered geographies between first and third world zones, and through virtual spaces between the workers and the customers) is not only crucial for carrying on their work, it has significant implications for the personal and cultural subjectivities of the workers and their societies as well.
The authors
of ATC use the concept of ‘orientation’ to argue that the impacts on the
workers and their societies is due to the specific ways in which they start
getting ‘oriented’ towards the social mores and cultural calendar of America
and decoupled from their local time and events. But this time travel has no
arrival in sight.
This process of virtual migration involves, amongst other things, taking on new names that are light on American ears and withdrawing affections from those who are close at hand. The authors of ATC argue that this process involves the interpenetration of America into India, and a certain fraying of the edges of national identity.
This process produces ruptures between the country’s past and future, by loosening the glue between generations. New joiners in these sectors often start earning more than their parents, and often move out to lead independent lives.
These processes also end up producing modern consuming subjects through objects like expensive mobile phones and company-gifted credit cards. They also produce checkered geographies where first world zones built to service global capital cut through the labyrinths of interconnected third world spaces.
Here let us take a detour and set up a hypothetical example of a serious doctoral student of American literary fiction in a mid-rung university in a city like Pune or Hyderabad who is immersed in mid-twentieth century American novels, is working towards a PhD dissertation on Saul Bellow, teaches American literature to undergraduate students as a temporary lecturer, and contributes occasional pieces for low ranking Anglo-American academic journals. He is a service provider of some sorts (in both national and international markets), works under a neoliberal regime (temporary job), and is oriented towards a significant aspect of contemporary American culture.
How do we make sense of the subjectivity of such
a worker? I would want to argue that it’s only when we compare the lives of BPO
workers from Bangalore who are oriented towards Super-bowl with literature
students from Hyderabad who are oriented towards discourse analysis that
insightful and productive explanations, frameworks and theories that illuminate
the experiences of people from the Global South can start emerging.
If the concerns at hand are forms of work and the subjectivities that are engendered by labour, perhaps an ‘old’ sector such as textiles provides a good counterpoint to a relatively new one such as BPO. The book Globalization, Employment and Mobility (henceforth referred to as GEM) could have provided such a vantage point, but is unfortunately unable to do so due to its exclusive quantitative focus.
The book focuses on the textile sector in South Asia and tells the story of labour reform in important textile countries of the region such as India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. By detailing the experiences in these countries through the ten articles collected in the volume, it demonstrates the variety of experiences of labour law reforms and the impacts these processes have had over the textile sector in the region.
There seems to be wide intra and inter regional variations regarding labour practices with the northern and western parts of the region (such as North-West India and Pakistan) being dominated by male workers whereas in the East and the South (for example in Bangladesh and Bangalore) women have an important role to play in production processes.
But we do not have any robust explanations of such
cultural variations. Nor does the volume offer any insights into how the
gendered nature of textile work shapes subjectivities of workers. Perhaps, this
is an unfair critique as the focus of GEM relates to the economics of textile
labour only.
But we
need to urgently understand the ways in which our histories and geographies,
especially of our cities, comingle, and our personal subjectivities and the
images of the cities start over-determining each other. For this to happen, what is perhaps needed in
the present context is an old-fashioned, promiscuous mixing of methods; a
marriage of methods, where hardnosed quantitative analysis, instead of merely
providing the macro-context, illuminates the personal, and where the minutiae
of finely textured qualitative descriptions, instead of just proving nuance,
provide the foundational theoretical and analytical structure for cracking ‘big
data’.
Note: A marginally different version of this piece was first published in 2012 in the academic journal Contemporary South Asia (Volume 25; Issue 4; Pages 456-458) in 2017. The relevant DOI number is: https://doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2016.1234167
Kiran Mirchandani. 2012. Phone Clones: Authenticity Work in the Transnational Service Economy. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press. 174+x pages.
Aimee Carrillo Rowe, Sheena Malhotra, and Kimberlee Pérez. 2011. Answer the Call: Virtual Migration in Indian Call Centres. Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press. 242+xi pages.
Hiroshi Sato and Mayumi Murayama (Editors). 2008. Globalization, Employment and Mobility: The South Asian Experience. Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 319+xiv pages.
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