Saturday, August 15, 2020

A Gazal for Kashmir

(In imitation of Ali Eteraz)

Sailen Routray


The Kashmir Mission Hospital in 1914 (Wikimedia Commons)
From the book 'Beyond the Pir Panjal' by Earnest Neve


There is an oppressor in every man, able to instruct a slaughter.
There is a tank in every TV screen, but #‎kashmirilivesmatter.

Though in whataboutery-land, poets still prick the mind,
When pellets fail tongues, do #kashmirilivesmatter?

When the ashes of myths are mourning for succour,
What truths can I fabricate to make #kashmirilivesmatter?

When every child’s visage is target-practice gear, 
There is no song I can sing to make #kashmirilivesmatter.

Sailen has no salve to sooth tyranny, Bharat,
But nothing else matters, when Kashmiri lives don’t matter.

Thursday, August 13, 2020

Eating flowers in Pipili

Sailen Routray  

Photo Credit - Wikimedia Commons

In the house in Pipili there was a kanchana tree at the edges of the garden. The house was an old-fashioned Atu house. The roof was made of chancheri (strong bamboo mats) the colour of riverine sand drenched in a sudden burst of summer rains. This was topped with a slanting thatch of straw that needed repairs every year, a full month before the summer monsoon rains. Often if the repairs were delayed, with the premonsoon showers parts of the roof would start leaking, especially on the inner verandah. It would be my responsibility as the eldest child to start putting pots and buckets under the leaks. Thankfully, these leaks were not numerous, and the task was light and not onerous for a five year old boy, tall for his years. The year we moved into that house, I started going to school; but this was discontinued immediately, as the class teacher viciously picked on me. The next time I went to school was a full three years later in Bhubaneswar, when I was eight.

The walls of the Pipili house were of plastered burnt bricks, and the floor was cemented. The floor was not smooth; it resembled the mottled hands of Lakhi, a prematurely old dalit woman of the Bouri caste who came to help ma with the housework. Her younger daughter China, then around ten but short for her age, was my only playmate. Lakhi Apa would clean and swab the floor and do the utensils. But my mother’s liberalism borne out of her growing up in a household with one non-Hindu parent (belonging to the Mahima sect) stopped there. It would not extend to let Lakhi do other housework like fetching water from the tube well or grinding masala in the sil-batta. During the scorching summer months, the house stayed cool; when you lied down on the bare floor face down after Lakhi had swabbed it clean, your cheeks felt a raw coolness that was like the touch of a shaded pool of water. 

The kitchen (with an earthen chulah) was a small annexe on the verandah at a right angle to the bedroom. There was only one other room, that was pretentiously called a ‘drawing room’, of which my most vivid memories are of sitting across an ageing tuition teacher (who started coming in after I stopped going to school) whose favourite punishment was pinching me on the thigh when my attention wavered. You entered this room after coming past the local office of the Orissa State Electricity Board (OSEB) where baba worked as a junior engineer.

 A Ho House in Mayurbhanj District, Odisha
Photo Credit - Subhashish Panigrahi, Wikimedia Commons

Ours was a rented house and had two and half rooms. A nest that is not quite a home: what we Odias call a basaa; a habitation. But we stayed there for almost three years. The rent was a royal sum of ninety rupees when we left in 1987. The front of the house faced the then Bhubaneswar-Puri highway. The garden at the back was huge, almost half an acre in size. It merged into the neighbour Sanju Mausi’s garden with no hedge separating the two. Sanju Mausi was a Christian, so was our landlord. We lived in a Christian hamlet.

The first wedding that I remember took place in the local Church; the bride’s wedding gown the colour of kanchan flowers, a white that was neither bright nor dirty, but a colour that in Odia is denoted by the flower itself - ‘kanchana ranga’; dirty white being ‘gheea-ranga’ - ‘ghee-white’. The kanchana tree was near the border of the two gardens. There was also a pear tree that stood beside the kanchana; its fruits were the size of small apples and had a slightly pinkish core that ma periodically converted into the most delicious ‘pijuli jelly’ ever. But for me the star attraction of the garden was the kanchana. Not that it had much competition.

The garden was more of a backyard. It had a few straggling hibiscus plants, a kalami mango tree, a yellow oleander tree, and not much other vegetation apart from grass that had been allowed to grow tall and wild in patches. There was a chicken coop. We had a cock, a few hens and large, intermittent broods of chicks. As a child, one of my household chores was to remove the ‘kuduki’ of the hens. After a hen had laid a dozen eggs or so, its body would heat up and it would want to start sitting on her eggs even if all these had already been eaten. If its body were not cooled off, it would not lay any eggs for the next twenty one days. So, I had to take the hen to Sanju Mausi’s pond and forcibly keep the chicken under water (with its head bobbing on the surface) till the time it ‘cooled off’. For some hens this would need to be done twice or thrice at one go. 

Pumpkin Flowers (Wikimedia Commons)

The backyard also had a cattle-shed that housed two cows and their calves. The cows did not give much milk. But their output was enough for us to avoid buying dal regularly to go with the rice. Parboiled (usuna in Odia) rice with milk and mashed potatoes was standard fare for lunch for us kids on many winter days. Dinner for me was often khechedi with ghee, curd and mango achar. The end of the monsoons and the onset of the Puja season had one more attraction. This was stuff made of kanchana flowers. The one kanchana tree was enough to provide an almost endless supply of flowers for ma’s kitchen in the season.

My mother turned milk into curd and chhena, cream into ghee, the residue of the beaten butter milk into spiced chalhaa, mangoes into achars and khata, and flowers (kanchana of course, in late monsoons and the autumn; but also those of the pumpkin vine on the roof of the kitchen) into fritters, bhajas and curries of many different hues, that often added variety to our diet.

The chickens and their chicks who marauded the backyard and scratched at everything in sight, the cows grazing on the grass, my father’s busy schedule, ma’s disinclination to work on the land, all conspired to prevent us from having a vegetable garden. Milk, curd, ghee and the flowers substituted for vegetables on many occasions, apart from the few straggling specimens bought in the local market. Baba’s low salary and his inability to take bribes meant that ma had to be inventive, for all her three kids to be well-fed.

Although I loved the dishes she made with the kanchana flowers, I remember the tree vividly for another reason altogether. The small basaa was swarmed by my two younger sisters who, even when toddlers, were the best of buddies and would not allow me to play in their group of two. And being unsocial, I did not have any other friends apart from China who was much older. Like most loners, I learnt reading before I could write. My father would support my indulgence in reading at the cost of his own (of cigarettes, the occasional bottle of cheap whisky and the stray Hindi pulp fiction tome by Rajkamal Prakashan). When the weather was right, I would often escape the house, go to the kanchana tree, sit under it and read. For a child that had no school, no friends, and no other entanglements, that kanchana tree was as close to a friend that he ever had for those three years.

 

Backyard Mushrooms (Wikimedia Commons)


Kanchana flower chatak: (Serves four)

A chatak is neither a curry, nor a chutney or for that matter, a khata. It is a savoury made with flowers that is useful to whet the appetite when one is down with a cold or a fever.

 Ingredients: 

Five dozen kanchana flowers, twelve small arbis (called saaru in Odia), ten black peppers, six strands of pippali, two square inches of peeled ginger sliced into small pieces, half a tea spoon of mustard seeds, one tea spoon of cumin seeds, five tea spoons of poppy seeds, two medium sized twigs of cinnamon, eight table spoons of grated coconut, three table spoons of desi ghee, one tea spoon of crushed jaggery, two twigs of curry leaves, salt.

Method:

Remove the stalks, stamens and pistils from the flowers. After these are picked, wash thrice with lukewarm water. With a peeler, deskin the arbis, cut into quarters and clean with water. Pluck the curry leaves from the twigs, wash these with water and set aside.

Grind the peppers, strands of pippali, sliced ginger pieces, poppy seeds and twigs of cinnamon into a fine, thick paste with very little water.

In a wok, add two table spoons of ghee. When it is smoking hot, first add the jaggery. When the jaggery starts melting, decrease the flame of the stove and add cumin and mustard seeds, and the curry leaves. After the cumin seeds start turning brown, add the sliced arbis and the kanchana flowers. Add a tea spoon of salt. Stir on a low flame for around 7-8 minutes. Add the masala paste and stir.

After the masala is cooked properly with the flowers and arbi, add the remaining table spoon of ghee and sauté for five minutes with the occasional sprinkle of water to prevent the masala from sticking to the bottom. Boil two small cups of water separately. Add the boiling water to the wok. Simmer on a low flame for two minutes and then add the grated coconuts and cover the wok. Cook on the low fire for around five minutes. With a spoon press on the arbis; if these are a little firm, yet allow themselves to be mashed, then the dish is done.

Photo - 'Boy with a Pumpkin Vine' (1854)
Photographer - Varin Frères
Photo Credit - Wikimedia Commons

Kanchana flower rai: (Serves four)

A rai is made with a masala paste that has a mustard seed base. Many Odia curries (called ‘besara’) have a mustard paste base as well. But the rai differs from a mustard paste based curry in five big ways.

First, in a besara curry, the masala is sautéed first; whereas in a rai, the masala is added on top after the other base ingredients have been stir fried. Second, in a rai, no sweetening agent is added. In a mustard masala based curry, generally a little bit of jaggery or sugar is added to take the edge of the ‘kasaa’ taste of the mustard off. What is the ‘kasaa’ taste? That is another story in itself.

Third, a mustard based curry has a souring agent like dried raw mango (ambula, not amchur) or tamarind pulp added; the rai has no such additions. Fourth, the rai is always a lot less hotter than a curry, as it does not have much heat-inducing substances such as black pepper, pippali, or chillies. And, perhaps the biggest difference is the last one – it is possible to add onions to a curry with a mustard base, but it is criminal to add it to a rai. If anyone commits such a heinous offence, the minimum penalty should be a public flogging with ten slashes on the posterior. If that sounds too excessive to you, make it five.

Ingredients:

Sixty kanchana flowers, eight arbis, four tea spoons of mustard seeds, four tea spoons of cumin seeds, one medium sized (and moderately hot) red chilly, fifteen cloves of garlic, 5-6 black peppers, five cloves, five green cardamom pods, salt, one table spoon of turmeric powder and three table spoons of desi ghee. 

Method:

Clean the flowers as you did for the kanchana flower chatak. Likewise, clean and cut the arbis.  

Grind the mustard seeds, three tea spoons of cumin seeds, red chilly, garlic cloves and black peppers together into a fine, creamy paste in a mortar and pestle or on a sil-batta. Do not make this masala in an electric mixer. Grind the cardamom pods and cloves separately and keep aside.

In a wok heat two table spoons of ghee. When the ghee smokes, add one tea spoon of cumin seeds. When the

seeds start turning brown, add the sliced arbis and the kanchana flowers, and stir fry on a low flame for five minutes. Then add turmeric powder and one tea spoon of salt. Stir well for two minutes. Add one cup of water. Cover the wok. Cook for five minutes on a low fire. Remove the cover, and cook for another five minutes so that the water almost completely evaporates. Then add the mustard paste. Add one cup of water and cook with an open wok for another seven minutes or so on a very low flame. Five minutes after adding water add a table spoon of ghee. Sprinkle water and scrape the bottom of the wok regularly, so that the masala won’t stick to the vessel. After the arbi is cooked, add the cardamom and clove paste. Again, sprinkle a little water. Cook for a couple of minutes. Take the kadai off the fire.

In a wok heat two table spoons of ghee. When the ghee smokes, add one tea spoon of cumin seeds. When the seeds start turning brown, add the sliced arbis and the kanchana flowers, and stir fry on a low flame for five minutes. Then add turmeric powder and one tea spoon of salt. Stir well for two minutes. Add one cup of water. Cover the wok. Cook for five minutes on a low fire. Remove the cover, and cook for another five minutes so that the water almost completely evaporates. Then add the mustard paste. Add one cup of water and cook with an open wok for another seven minutes or so on a very low flame. Five minutes after adding water add a table spoon of ghee. Sprinkle water and scrape the bottom of the wok regularly, so that the masala won’t stick to the vessel. After the arbi is cooked, add the cardamon and clove paste. Again sprinkle a little water. Cook for a couple of minutes. Take the kadai off the fire.

Note: A shorter version of this article was published with the same title on 21st April 2019 in The Sunday Magazine of The Hindu newspaper.

An Evening in Pipili (Wikimedia Commons)

Thursday, August 6, 2020

ବାଘ ଶୀକାର

 ଶୈଲେନ ରାଉତରାୟ 

 ଚିତ୍ର - ସିକ୍ସ୍ ପାର୍ସିମୋନ୍ସ୍ (ୱିକିମିଡିଆ କମନ୍ସ୍)
ଚିତ୍ରକର - ମୁକ୍କି ଫ-ଚାଂ (ତ୍ରୟୋଦଶ ଶତାବ୍ଦୀ: ଚୀନ୍ ଦେଶ)

ବାଘ ଶୀକାର କରିବୁ ?
ବାଘ ?

ତା’ ଦେହର ହଳଦିଆ,
ଭାନଗଗ୍‌ର ଜଳନ୍ତା ସୂର୍ଯ୍ୟମୁଖୀର ତାତି ପ୍ରମାଣେ ଶେଥା ।
ତା’ ଦେହର କଳା,
ବତର କପାସ ମାଟିର ହାଡ଼ ଭଳିଆ କଳା ।
 
ଗୋଡ଼ରେ ତାର ବତାସର ଆଖିର ଛଟକ;
ପାହୁଣ୍ଡରେ ଯୁଗେ ଯୁଗର ସାଆନ୍ତିଆ ଛଇ ।
ଆଖିରେ, ପାରଦରେ ଭିଜା ମୟୁର ପରର
ହୁତୁହୁତିଆ ନିଆଁ ।
 
କିନ୍ତୁ ସେଇ ଆଖି ପଛରେ ଅଛି ଦେଖେ,
କେଇ ପୁରୁଷେ ଖାଦ୍ୟର ପାଉଁଶର ପରଦା;
ସେଇ ପାହୁଣ୍ଡର ଛଟକରେ ଅଛି ଶୁଣୁ,
ସବାଖିଆ କ୍ଷୁଧାର ଲଚକ୍;
ସେଇ ଗୋଡ଼ ଭିତରେ ଅଛି ଦେଖେ,
ପୁଞ୍ଜା ପୁଞ୍ଜା ମଣିଷର ଶସ ।
 
ହଁସା ପଜା ବଉଳ ।
ନିଶ୍ୱାସ ରଗଡ଼ ।
 
ବାଘର ଚମ ପାତଳା ନହେଲେ ବି,
ତୋ’ ଆର୍ତ୍ତିର ଧାରଠାରୁ ମୋଟା ନୁହେଁ ସଙ୍ଗାତ ।
ଥରେ ଧରି ଗେବି ଦେଲେ
ଚହଲି ଆସିବ ତା’ ରକତ;
ଫାଟିଯିବ ଛାତିର ପଥର ।

ଚାଲ କରିବା ବାଘ ଶୀକାର,
ସଙ୍ଗାତ, ବାଘ ଶୀକାର ।

ବି.ଦ୍ର. - ଏହି କବିତାଟି ସଞ୍ଚାର ଖବରକାଗଜର ୨୨ ଅଗଷ୍ଟ ୨୦୧୭ ମସିହାରେ ପ୍ରକାଶିତ ସାପ୍ତାହିକ ରବିବାସରୀୟ ସାହିତ୍ୟପ୍ରସ୍ଥରେ ପ୍ରକାଶିତ ହୋଇଥିଲା ।

Tuesday, August 4, 2020

Some Reflections on the 2008 Kandhamal Riots

Sailen Routray


Ravan Podi at Phulbani, Kandhamal District in 2012
Photo Credit - Wikimedia Commons

Given the specific targeting of Muslims in recent times aimed at communal polarisation and rendering this community electorally toothless, the persecution of Christians by majoritarian right-wing forces has now been receiving relatively less attention. But many of us find it difficult to forget the 2008 Kandhamal violence against Christians, that followed the murder of Lakshamanananda Saraswati on 23rd of August 2008, the day of Janmashtami that year.

This violence occurred a few months after a three-day period of rioting around Christmas time the preceding year, in 2007, in which more than a hundred churches and church institutions such as hostels and convents were burnt down, seven hundred houses were torched and three persons were killed. But the government was able to control the tension and an uneasy calm prevailed in the Kandhamal district in the following months.  

The violence that began after the murder of Lakshamanananda Saraswati were much more widespread and lasted for a longer period of time with grievous impact on the local community. Thirty-nine persons, all belonging to the Christian religion, were murdered by rioting mobs; some reports put this figure at around a hundred. Around four hundred churches were attacked and were either vandalised or torched. Similarly, more than five thousand houses were either looted or burnt down. As more than six hundred villages were attacked and destroyed, over fifty thousand people, including a large number of children and the elderly, were left homeless. There were also reports of forced conversions from Christianity to Hinduism.

This violence was characterised as communal (broadly speaking, between the Christian pana, a dalit community, and the tribal community of Kandha, that has recently been Hinduised) continuing in a long tradition of reportage and scholarship. Over the last few decades, the violence between the Kandhas and the Panas in Kandhamal district has generated two parallel sets of narratives. These narratives have a certain consistency not merely in terms of their form and structure, but also in their geographical habitation. The first set of narratives is generated by regional newspapers and media organisations and local academics, and seems to set forth the dictum that Orissa is a ‘peaceful’ (santipurna) state and Odias are a ‘peace-loving’ (santi-priya) people, and that ‘communal’ violence, when it occurs, is an aberration.

The second set of narratives generally resides outside the state, and is generated by national media and human rights organisations, and academics based outside the state (some of them Odia). This set of narratives sees Orissa as the ‘next Gujarat,’ and sees the violence in Kandhamal and elsewhere in the state (e.g. in Bhadrak in the summer of 2017) not as an aberration but as a symptom of a thorough communalisation of Odia society, and as a trailer of things to come. As is the case with most such dichotomies, the truth is neither close to any of them nor is it even in the middle. The possibility of even starting to understand such violence in the state is available to us only when we cease asking the questions that lead to such dichotomous logjam.

Phulbani Town in 2012 (Wikimedia Commons)

Such a dichotomy as observed in the case of Kandhamal and Orissa mirrors the broader rules of writing narratives generated at the national level around the issue of ‘communalism.’ The first set of narratives in this case is merely the inverse of the one(s) mentioned earlier. Instead of positing a ‘history of peaceable coexistence’ it posits a history of millennium long communal conflicts, especially between the ‘Hindus’ and the Muslims. The Muslim league in the pre-independence era was able to create Pakistan (albeit ‘moth-eaten’) by the successful deployment of such a set of narratives; the Sangh Parivar are ideologically very similar to the Muslim league in this regard, as they also use the same set of narratives, albeit with a different political axe to grind.

The second set of narratives of this dichotomy may be loosely defined as a left-liberal one that posits that communalism was essentially a result of cynical manipulation by powers that be (be it some Muslim rulers in times of political crisis in the pre-colonial era or the British in the post-1857 period) to enable a policy of divide and rule. Most left-leaning commentators allow for the presence of the ‘communal virus’ in Indian society over a longer period of history (since we all know “‘religion’ IS the opium of the masses”). Most of the commentators of a more ‘liberal,’ post-colonial/post-modern persuasion will tend to argue that ‘communalism’ (like other categories such as ‘caste’, and ‘tribe’) is a ‘colonial invention.’ 

But these two positions are not as divergent as they seem. They seem to agree that there exists such a phenomenon called ‘communalism’ in India, that it is characterised by violence between the followers of different ‘religions,’ and that such violence has a ‘history’. In fact, they implicitly seem to argue that the historical mode of apprehension of social reality (as opposed to say fiction, or vamsavalis) is the only valid and effective one for apprehending such social phenomena.

These descriptions are a bad fit especially in an area such as the Kandhamal district in central Orissa. At first sight the ‘problem’ is a straightforward one of ‘communal’ conflict. Over the last three decades or so there have been increasingly intense conflicts between the ‘Hindu’ Kandha (classified as a scheduled tribe by the Government of India) and the Pana (a dalit jati) Christians. As put forward by the dominant narratives surrounding the conflict, the last five decades have seen an increasing penetration of the district by the Hindutva brigade resulting in an increasing polarisation between the ‘religious’ communities that takes the form of organised violence periodically.

Let’s see what this means in practical terms; such a narrative suggests that the Kandhas are a simple, gullible community that are amenable to manipulation by a few outsiders. Nothing can be further from the truth. They are one of the most resilient tribal groups of peninsular India, and rose again and again in revolt against British infractions on their traditional rights and privileges. They have traditionally been a dominant, landowning community in the Kandhamal district, and until a couple of generations back, had close patron-client relationships with the mostly landless Panas. In fact, as the saying went those days – ‘Kandha raja, Pana mantri’, to translate - ‘The Kondh is the king and the Pana is his minister’.


Meriah Sacrifice Post
Photo Taken in the First Decade of the 20th Century
Photo Credit - Wikimedia Commons

The earliest colonial accounts in fact point at the structural closeness between the two communities. Some British officials in fact went so far as to record myths of origins of Panas that tied their community intimately to the Kandhas. In those days, the Kandhas and the Panas also seemed to share similar devas, rituals, and ceremonies, and it was not unusual for the Pana clients to attend the meetings of the Kandha patrons, albeit as mere observers.

Over the last half a century or so a section of the Panas in the district have been able to benefit in a limited manner from the various initiatives of the state and the activism of the various churches, and as a result have been able to make limited inroads into areas hitherto monopolised by the Hindu upper castes. For example, quite a few of the Panas are school teachers now. The increasingly aware and educated Panas have been recently agitating to better the conditions of their jati and obtain rights guaranteed by the Indian constitution.

This has added fuel to the fire of resentment amongst a section of the Kandhas. To a large extent the simmering (and sometimes overt) violence in Kandhamal is a result of the still-born project of development in the state of Orissa that has failed to provide viable economic opportunities to the people at large. But the 2008 violence in the district cannot be reduced to a mere economic conflict. Wider socio-cultural processes seem to also have had significant roles.

The adoption of pan-Indian deities by the Kandhas of Kandhamal is hardly a couple of generations old; in fact, the first ‘Hindu’ temple in the district headquarters of Phulbani has been constructed within living memory. So, has been the growth of Christianity in the area. The Kandhamal district has seen sustained missionary activity from the time the British extended their control over these highlands; Christianisation, like in many other colonial regions, was seen as a part of the process of pacification of these so-called wild tribes.

But it is the Panas that have been increasingly Christianised. Over the last five decades or so, the Hinduisation of the Kandhas in the district (spearheaded by the recently murdered VHP leader Laxamanananda) has been concurrent with the Christianisation of the Panas. Christian denominations of a range of persuasions, including a few of the more fundamentalist ones, have been active in the district. But concrete and reliable data regarding the actual numbers of break ups across these various groups is relatively difficult to come by.

A View in Daringbadi in Kandhamal
Photo Credit - Wikimedia Commons

Orissa has a really small Christian population; out of around 42 million people in 2011, a little more than a million (at 2.77 percent of the total) are Christians. But nearly one-seventh of the total population of Christians of the state live in the district of Kandhamal, and constitute around a fifth of its population. The processes of Christianisation and Hinduisation have meant that the Panas and the Kandhas no longer seem to worship the same/similar devas and devis, they no longer practice similar rituals, and they no longer seem to share communal spaces.

I have never set feet/foot in the district. I have never done ‘fieldwork’ there; so, my statements do not have the validity of ethnographic science. They do not even have the validity of reportage. I do not ‘know’ the reasons behind the violence in Kandhamal, nor do I have any clues about the ways out of these cycles of violence in Kandhamal and elsewhere in India. But one thing I am sure about; asking the wrong questions is the surest way of getting the wrong answers. And one of the ways of starting to ask the right questions is by looking at our own experiences unflinchingly, and by using these to interrogate the narratives offered as explanations of our social realities.

Some of the questions that one needs to ask in this context are: why different groups/tribes get associated with different ‘religions’, what is the understanding of the people themselves regarding the contemporary processes of identity-formation, contestation, and violence, what is it that makes a conflict ‘communal,’ does such a thing called Hinduism exist and what does Hinduisation mean in practical terms, is there a way out from these cycles of violence, and lastly but not the least, how is the current state of affairs in theorising in Indian social sciences implicated in these increasingly convoluted forms of violence.

Note: A different version of this essay (translated into Malayalam by Nuaiman Keeprath Andru) was published in the October 2008 issue of Pachakuthira, a monthly non-fiction journal in Malayalam published by DC Books, Kottayam.

Remains of a Church Property Vandalised in the 2008 Kandhamal Riots
Photo Credit - Wikimedia Commons 

Saturday, August 1, 2020

 'If' by Sachhidananda Routray

Translation - Sailen Routray


'Rainbow' by Salavdor Dali

I am a thin cloud, 
 a mere blotting paper. 
I cover up the flying aeroplanes 
of red colored words. 

And if you are some colorful wedding song 
written by golden hands,
I want to suck on its redness 
through every pore of my body 
the moment after it’s written,
with a silent shudder.


Note: Sachhidananda Routray (1916-2004), popularly called Sachi Routray, was arguably the most important Odia poet of the 20th century.  Amongst many other honours, he was awarded with the Jnanpith award in 1986. Copyright of the English translation rests with the translator. 

Thursday, July 30, 2020

ରମଣ ମହର୍ଷି କୃତ ଉପଦେଶ ସାର

ଓଡ଼ିଆ ପଦ୍ୟାନୁବାଦ - ଶୈଲେନ ରାଉତରାୟ


ଗୋଟିଏ ମାଙ୍କଡ଼ ସହ ରମଣ ମହର୍ଷି (ଫଟୋ କ୍ରେଡ଼ିଟ୍ - ୱିକିମିଡିଆ କମନ୍ସ୍)

ଈଶ୍ୱରଙ୍କର ଆଜ୍ଞା ବଳେ ।
କର୍ମର ଫଳ ସବୁ ମିଳେ ।।
କର୍ମ କି ଅଟଇ ପରମ ?
ଜଡ଼ ହିଁ ଅଟେ ସେହି କର୍ମ ।୧।

ସଂସାର ମହାସାଗରରେ ।
କର୍ମର ଯୋଗୁଁ ଜୀବ ପଡ଼େ ।।
କର୍ମର ଫଳ ଅଶାଶ୍ୱତ।
ପ୍ରଗତି କରଇ ବାରିତ ।୨।

ଆସକ୍ତି ରହିତ ଭାବରେ ।
ଈଶ୍ୱରେ କର୍ମ ଅରପିଲେ ।।
ଚିତ୍ତର କରଇ ଶୋଧନ ।
ମୁକତି ହୁଅଇ ସାଧନ ।୩।

ଶରୀରକୃତ ପୂଜାଠାରୁ
ବାଚିକ ଜପ ଅଟେ ଗୁରୁ ।
ତହିଁରୁ ଚିନ୍ତନ ଉତ୍ତମ
କାୟବାଙ୍ମନ ଏହି କ୍ରମ ।୪।

ହୋଇ ଈଶ୍ୱରବୁଦ୍ଧିଯୁକ୍ତ ।
ସେବିଲେ ସମସ୍ତ ଜଗତ ।।
ଅଷ୍ଟମୂରତି ପଞ୍ଚାନନ ।
ଲଭନ୍ତି ସକଳ ପୂଜନ  ।୫।
ଉଚ୍ଚସ୍ୱରରେ ସ୍ତୁତିଠାରୁ ।
ଉପାଂଶୁ ଜପ ଅଟେ ଗୁରୁ ।।
ଚିତ୍ତଜ ଜପ ତହୁଁ କ୍ରମ ।
ଜପଧ୍ୟାନ ହିଁ ସର୍ବୋତ୍ତମ ।୬।

ଘୃତର ଧାର ଅବା ନଈ
ସୁଅର ସମ ଯେବେ ହୋଇ ।
ଶ୍ରେଷ୍ଠ ହିଁ ସେହି ଯେ ଚିନ୍ତନ, 
ବିଚ୍ଛିନ୍ନ ଚିନ୍ତାଠାରୁ ଜାଣ ।୭।

ଭେଦଭାବନା ଯୁକ୍ତ ଧ୍ୟାନ
ତା'ଠାରୁ ଅଟଇ ପାବନ,
'ମୁଁ ହି ସେଏହି ଯେ ବିଚାର;
ନିଶ୍ଚିତ ସବୁଠୁଁ ଅପାର ।୮।

ଅଭେଦ ଭାବନାର ବଳେ,
ଭାବଶୂନ୍ୟତା ହେଳେ ଫଳେ
ଏଥିରୁ ଉତ୍ପତି ସୁସ୍ଥିତି 
ଅଟଇ ପରମ ସେ ଭକ୍ତି ।୯।

ହୃଦୟ କନ୍ଦର ମଧ୍ୟରେ
ମନ ସ୍ୱରୂପେ ସ୍ଥିର ହେଲେ
ଭକ୍ତି  ଜ୍ଞାନ   କର୍ମ ଯୋଗେ
ନିଶ୍ଚିତେ ଲାଭ ହୁଏ ହେଳେ ।୧୦।

 ନିଶ୍ୱାସ ପ୍ରଶ୍ୱାସ ରୋଧନ
ଫଳରେ ମନ ହୁଏ ଲୀନ ।
ଜାଲରେ ଧରା ପକ୍ଷୀ ସମ
ନିରୋଧ ହୁଅଇ ସାଧନ ।୧୧।

ମନ ଓ ପ୍ରାଣ ଏହି ଦୁଇ
କ୍ରିୟା ଶକତି ବୋଲି କହି
ଚୈତନ୍ୟ ବୋଇଲେ ସେ ଏକା
ଈଶ୍ୱରଶକ୍ତିର ସେ ଶାଖା ।୧୨।

ପ୍ରାଣ ଓ ମନର ନିରୋଧେ ।
ମନର ଲୟ, ନାଶ ସାଧେ ।।
ଲୟ ହୋଇଲେ ଫେରେ ମନ।
ନାଶରେ ମରଣ ସାଧନ ।୧୩।

ପ୍ରାଣର ନିରୋଧନ ବଳେ 
ମନଟି ଲୟ ପ୍ରାପ୍ତ କରେ ।
ଲୟିତ ମନ ନାଶ ହେଳେ ।
ଏକକ ଚିନ୍ତନର ଫଳେ ।୧୪

ମନନାଶିତ ଯୋଗୀ ପାଇଁ ।
କର୍ତ୍ତବ୍ୟ ବୋଲି କିଛି ନାହି ।।
ଉତ୍ତମ ଅଟେ ସେହି ଯତି ।
ନିଜ ରୂପରେ ତା'ର ସ୍ଥିତି ।୧୫।

ବିଷୟ ଜଗତରୁ ମନ 
ଯେବେ ସେ ହୁଅଇ ବାରଣ । 
ଚୈତନ୍ୟ ସ୍ୱରୂପ ଦର୍ଶନ 
ତାହା ହିଁ ତତ୍ତ୍ୱ ବୋଲି ଜାଣ । ୧୬

ମନଟି କି ଜାତି ପଦାର୍ଥ ।
ଏହି ବିଚାରୁ ଜ୍ଞାନ ଜାତ  ।।
ମନର ସ୍ଥିତି କିଛି ନାହିଁ ।
ସରଳ ମାର୍ଗ ଅଟେ ଏହି । ୧୭

ମନ ହିଁ ପ୍ରବାହ ଚିନ୍ତାର ।
ମୁଁ-କାର ଚିନ୍ତାର ଆଧାର ।।
ମୁଁ-କାର ମନ ବୋଲି ଜାଣ ।
କହନ୍ତି ମହର୍ଷି ରମଣ । ୧୮।  

ମୁଁ-କାର ବୋଲି ଯେଉଁ ବୃତ୍ତି
କେଉଁଠୁ ହୁଅଇ ଉତ୍ପତ୍ତି ।
ଏପରି ବିଚାର କରିଲେ
    ନାଶଇ ଅହଂକାର ହେଳେ ।୧୯।
ଅହଂକାର ବିନାଶ ଫଳେ
ଆତ୍ମା ହୃଦୟର ସ୍ଥଳରେ;
ମୁଁ ବୋଲି ପ୍ରକଟ ହୁଅଇ ,
        ପରମ ପୂର୍ଣ୍ଣ ସତ୍ୟ କହି ।୨୦।

ଏହି ପରି ଜୀବ ଈଶ୍ୱରେ 
ଲୀନ ହୋଇଯିବାର ପରେ ।
ଆତ୍ମାର ଘଟଇ ପ୍ରକାଶ
           ସତ୍ୟ ସ୍ୱରୂପ ଅବିନାଶ ।୨୧।  

ଶରୀର ଇନ୍ଦ୍ରିୟ ଓ ପ୍ରାଣ ।
ନୁହେଁ ମୁଁ ଏହି କିଛି ପୁଣ ।।
ମୁଁହିଟି ଅଟେ ଏକ ସତ୍ୟ ।
ମୋ ବିନା ସମସ୍ତ ଅନିତ୍ୟ ।୨୨।

ସତ୍ତ୍ୱର ପ୍ରକାଶକ ନାହିଁ ।
ନିଜକୁ ନିଜେ ପ୍ରକାଶଇ  ।।
ଚେତନା ସତ୍ୟ ଯେ ଅଟଇ ।
ପୁଣି ମୁଁ-କାର ବୋଲି କହି ।୨୩।

  ଜୀବ ଈଶ୍ୱର ଏହି ଦୁଇ ।
  ଶରୀର ମାତ୍ର ଭେଦ ଥାଇ ।।
  ସତ୍ତ୍ୱର ସ୍ୱରୂପ ଦୃଷ୍ଟିରେ ।
  ଜୀବ ପରମ ଏକାକାରେ ।୨୪। 

ଉପାଧି ଗୁଡ଼ିକୁ ବର୍ଜନ ।
କରିଲେ ହୁଏ ଆତ୍ମଜ୍ଞାନ ।।
ଆତ୍ମାରେ ଈଶ୍ୱର ଦେଖିଲେ ।
ଇଶଦର୍ଶନ ଜାଣ ଭଲେ ।୨୫।

ଏକ ଅଦ୍ୱୟ ଆତ୍ମା ଅଟେ।
ଦର୍ଶନ କଲେ ନିଜ ଘଟେ ।।
ତାହାହିଁ ସ୍ୱରୂପ ଦର୍ଶନ ।
ଆତ୍ମନିଷ୍ଠତା ବୋଲି ଜାଣ ।୨୬।

 ଜ୍ଞାନ ଅଜ୍ଞାନ ଅତିକ୍ରମି ।
ଚୈତନ୍ୟ ଶୁଦ୍ଧ ଜ୍ଞାନ ଜାଣି ।।
ଏହାର ପରେ ଆର ପୁଣ ।
ଜ୍ଞାତବ୍ୟ କିଛି ନାହିଁ ଜାଣ ।୨୭।  

 କିପରି ସ୍ୱରୂପ ମୋହର
କରିଲେ ଏପରି ବିଚାର ।।
ଚୈତନ୍ୟ ଅଜନ୍ମା ଅବ୍ୟୟ ।
ଆତ୍ମାର ହୁଏ ପରିଚୟ।।
ସୁଖରୂପୀ ଆନନ୍ଦପୂର୍ଣ୍ଣ । 
ଆତ୍ମାର ଏପରି ଦର୍ଶନ ।୨୮। 

ଏ ସଂସାରେ ବିରଳ ନର 
ଦୈବିକ ଗୁଣେ ବଳିଆର 
ହୋଇ ଲଭନ୍ତି ଶ୍ରେଷ୍ଠ ସୁଖ 
         ବନ୍ଧନ ମୋକ୍ଷରୁ ଅତୀତ । ୨୯।

ଅହଂକାରକୁ ଦୂର କରି ।
ମହତ ତପ ଯେ ଆଚରି ।।
ସ୍ୱପ୍ରକାଶରେ ପ୍ରକଟଇ ।
ରମଣ ମହାୠଷି କହି ।୩୦।

ହାତୀ ନିକଟରେ ଦଣ୍ଡାୟମାନ ରମଣ ମହର୍ଷି (ୱିକିମିଡିଆ କମନ୍ସ୍)

ବି.ଦ୍ର. - ଅନୁବାଦକଙ୍କ ଦ୍ୱାରା ଓଡ଼ିଆ ପଦ୍ୟାନୁବାଦର ସର୍ବସତ୍ତ୍ୱ ସଂରକ୍ଷିତ ।

Tuesday, July 28, 2020

ଆମର ମାନବବାଦ ଓ ତାଙ୍କର ମାନବବାଦ

ଶୈଲେନ ରାଉତରାୟ


ମଦେଶପ୍ପା ମଦିଭଲ୍କପ୍ପା କଳବର୍ଗୀ (୧୯୩୮-୨୦୧୫)
ଫଟୋ କ୍ରେଡ଼ିଟ୍ - ୱିକିମିଡିଆ କମନ୍ସ୍

ଏହି କିଛି ବର୍ଷ ଭିତରେ ଅନେକ ଭାରତୀୟ ମୁକ୍ତ ଚିନ୍ତକମାନଙ୍କର ହତ୍ୟା  କରାଯାଇଅଛି; ସେମାନଙ୍କ ମଧ୍ୟରୁ ଅନେକ ହେତୁବାଦୀ ବିଚାରଧାରାର  ଅନୁଗାମୀ ଥିଲେ। ଏମାନଙ୍କ ଭିତରୁ ହେତୁବାଦୀ ଚିନ୍ତକ ଓ ପ୍ରଚାରକ ଶ୍ରୀ ନରେନ୍ଦ୍ର ଦାଭୋଲକର୍, ସାମ୍ୟବାଦୀ ନେତା, ଚିନ୍ତକ ଓ ହେତୁବାଦୀ, ହିନ୍ଦୁତ୍ତ୍ୱ ବିରୋଧି ଶ୍ରୀ  ଗୋବିନ୍ଦ  ପାନ୍-ସରେ (ବୃହତ୍ତର ଜନମାନସରେ ଶିବାଜୀଙ୍କର ଏକ ଲୋକାଭିମୁଖୀ ଜୀବନୀ ଶିବାଜୀ କୋଣ୍ ହୋତା?’ ର ଲେଖକ ଭାବରେ ପରିଚିତ), ପ୍ରଫେସର୍ ମଦେଶପ୍ପା ମଦିବାଲପ୍ପା କଳବର୍ଗୀ ଓ ଗୌରୀ ଲଙ୍କେଶଙ୍କର ନାମ ଏଠାରେ ଉଲ୍ଲେଖ କରାଯାଇପାରେ । ମାତ୍ର ଅନେକ ଦୃଷ୍ଟିରୁ ଶ୍ରୀ କଳବର୍ଗୀ ଅନ୍ୟ ତିନିଜଣଙ୍କଠାରୁ ଭିନ୍ନ ଓ ତାଙ୍କର ଜୀବନ ଓ ମୃତ୍ୟୁ ଆମକୁ ଭବିଷ୍ୟତର ଅନେକ ବିଭ୍ରାନ୍ତିରୁ ରକ୍ଷାକରିପାରେ ।

ଏହି ସନ୍ଦର୍ଭରେ ଭାରତର ଆଞ୍ଚଳିକ ଓ ଏସୀୟ ପରିପ୍ରେକ୍ଷୀରେ, ଏଇ ନିକଟ ଅତୀତର  କିଛି ଘଟଣାବଳୀ ଆମର ମାର୍ଗଦର୍ଶନ କରିପାରେ । ୨୦୧୫ ସାଲର ମଇ ମାସରେ ବଙ୍ଗଳାଦେଶରେ ବ୍ଲଗର୍ ଅନନ୍ତବିଜୟ ଦାସଙ୍କୁ ସିଲହଟ୍‌ରେ ଅଜଣା ଆତତାୟୀମାନେ ହତ୍ୟା କଲେ । ଶ୍ରୀ ଦାସ ଯୁକ୍ତି ନାମକ ଗୋଟିଏ ତ୍ରୈମାସିକ ପତ୍ରିକାର ସମ୍ପାଦକ ଓ ସିଲହଟ୍ ସ୍ଥିତ ବିଜ୍ଞାନ ଓ ତର୍କବାଦୀ ପରିଷଦର ମୂଖ୍ୟ ଥିଲେ । ସେ ବଙ୍ଗଳାଦେଶରେ ଧର୍ମନିରପେକ୍ଷତା ଓ ମାନବବାଦର ପ୍ରଚାର ଓ ପ୍ରସାରରେ ଏକ ମୂଖ୍ୟ ଭୂମିକା ତୁଲାଉଥିଲେ । ସେ ଜଣେ ନାସ୍ତିକ ଥିଲେ ଓ ମୁକ୍ତମନ ନାମକ ଏକ ଗୁରୁତ୍ତ୍ୱପୂର୍ଣ ମୁକ୍ତଚିନ୍ତନ-ଭିତ୍ତିକ ୱେବସାଇଟ୍ ରେ ନିୟମିତ ଲେଖୁଥିଲେ । ଏହି ୱେବସାଇଟ୍‌ଟି ବଙ୍ଗଳାଦେଶୀ-ଆମେରିକୀୟ କମ୍ପ୍ୟୁଟର ବିଜ୍ଞାନୀ ଓ ପ୍ରସିଦ୍ଧ ଯୁକ୍ତିବାଦୀ ଅଭିଜିତ ରାୟଙ୍କ ଦ୍ୱାରା ପରିଚାଳିତ ହେଉଥିଲା । ୨୦୧୫ ସାଲର ଛବିଶ ଫେବ୍ରୁଆରୀ ଦିନ ଅଲ୍ କାଏଦାର ଆତତାୟୀମାନେ ଢାକା ସହରରେ ଅଭିଜିତଙ୍କର ହତ୍ୟା କଲେ । ଏହା ପରେ ପରେ ସେହି ବର୍ଷ ମାର୍ଚ୍ଚ୍ ମାସରେ ଆଉ ଜଣେ ନାସ୍ତିକ ବ୍ଲଗର୍ ଶିକୁର୍ ରହମାନ୍ ଙ୍କର ହତ୍ୟା କରାଗଲା । ଏଥି ପାଇଁ ଦୁଇଜଣ ଗିରଫ୍ ହୋଇସାରିଛନ୍ତି । ୨୦୧୩ ମସିହା ପରଠାରୁ ମୁକ୍ତଚିନ୍ତକ ବ୍ଲଗର୍‌ମାନଙ୍କର ହତ୍ୟା ଇସ୍ଲାମୀୟ ଉଗ୍ରବାଦୀମାନେ ଗୋଟିଏ ପରେ ଗୋଟିଏ ଏହିପରି ଘଟାଇ ଚାଲିଛନ୍ତି  । 

ରାଜନୈତିକ ଇସଲାମ୍‌ର ବିରୋଧ କରି ଗଣ ଆନ୍ଦୋଳନର ଆୟୋଜନ କରୁଥିବା ନାସ୍ତିକମାନଙ୍କ ନିମନ୍ତେ ହେଫାଜତ୍-ଏ-ଇସଲାମ୍ ନାମକ ଏକ ମୌଳବାଦୀ ସଙ୍ଗଠନ ଖୋଲାଖୋଲି ଭାବରେ ମୃତ୍ୟୁଦଣ୍ଡର ଦାବୀ କରିଆସିଛି  । ଇସଲାମୀୟ ସ୍କୁଲ୍‌ଗୁଡ଼ିକର ଶିକ୍ଷକଙ୍କର ନେତୃତ୍ତ୍ୱ ନେଇ ମେ ୨୦୧୩ରେ ହେଫାଜତ୍ ଏକ ବୃହତ୍ ପ୍ରତି-ଆନ୍ଦୋଳନ କଲା । ଏହି ଆନ୍ଦୋଳନ ଜନିତ ହିଂସାରେ ପାଖାପାଖି ୫୦ ଜଣ ଲୋକ ମଲେ । ଏହା ପରେ ବଙ୍ଗଳାଦେଶରେ ନାସ୍ତିକ ଓ ମୁକ୍ତଚିନ୍ତକମାନଙ୍କର ହତ୍ୟାର ସଙ୍ଖ୍ୟା ବଢ଼ି ଚାଲିଛି । ଏହି ସବୁ ଘଟଣାବଳୀକୁ ଦେଖି ଆମେ କଣ ଏକଥା କହିପାରିବା ଯେ ଏସବୁ ପାଇଁ ଇସଲାମ୍ ଧର୍ମ ଓ ପରମ୍ପରା ଦାୟୀ ? କିମ୍ବା ଭାରତରେ ଘଟୁଥିବା ମୁକ୍ତଚିନ୍ତକମାନଙ୍କର ହତ୍ୟା ପାଇଁ  ଭାରତୀୟ ପରମ୍ପରା ଦାୟୀ ? ଉଭୟ କ୍ଷେତ୍ରରେ ଉତ୍ତର ହେବ, ନା

ଏହି ପ୍ରଶ୍ନର ଉତ୍ତର ଦେବା ପାଇଁ ଆମେ ପୁଣି ଶ୍ରୀ କଳବର୍ଗୀଙ୍କ ପାଖକୁ ଫେରି ଯିବା । ଅନ୍ୟ ତିନିଜଣଙ୍କ ପରି ଶ୍ରୀ କଳବର୍ଗୀ ଜଣେ ତର୍କବାଦୀ ଓ ନାସ୍ତିକ ନଥିଲେ । ସେ ଏକ ଲିଙ୍ଗାୟତ ପରିବାରରେ ଜନ୍ମଗ୍ରହଣ କରିଥିଲେ ଓ ନିଜେ ଜଣେ ଧର୍ମନିଷ୍ଠ ଲିଙ୍ଗାୟତ ଥିଲେ । ଲିଙ୍ଗାୟତ ଧର୍ମ ପରମ୍ପରାର ଦର୍ଶନର ଆଲୋଚନାରେ ତାଙ୍କର ଗୁରୁତ୍ତ୍ୱପୂର୍ଣ ସ୍ଥାନ ଓ ଅବଦାନ ରହିଛି । ମାତ୍ର ଲିଙ୍ଗାୟତ ଧର୍ମ ଧାରଣାର ଐତିହାସିକ ପରିପ୍ରେକ୍ଷୀ ସମ୍ବନ୍ଧୀୟ ତାଙ୍କର ନିଷ୍କର୍ଷଗୁଡିକ ଲିଙ୍ଗାୟତ ଧର୍ମାଧିକାରୀ ଓ ମଠର ମହନ୍ତ ମାନଙ୍କୁ  ୠଚୁ ନ ଥିଲା । ସେ ମୂର୍ତ୍ତି ପୂଜାର ବିରୋଧୀ ଥିଲେ । ନିଜର ଗବେଷଣାର ଭିତ୍ତିରେ ସେ ଦାବୀ କରୁଥିଲେ ଯେ ଲିଙ୍ଗାୟତମାନେ ଆମେ ଏବେ ହିନ୍ଦୁ କହିଲେ ଯାହା ବୁଝୁଛୁ ସେହି ଅର୍ଥରେ ହିନ୍ଦୁ  ନୁହନ୍ତି । ମାତ୍ର ଏଠାରେ କହି ରଖିବା ଉଚିତ ହେବ ଯେ, ଅନେକ ଶାସ୍ତ୍ରୀୟ ହିନ୍ଦୁ ପରମ୍ପରା ମଧ୍ୟ ମୂର୍ତ୍ତି ପୂଜା ପ୍ରତି ଉଦାସୀନ ।

ଶ୍ରୀ କଳବର୍ଗୀ ଜଣେ ସାମାଜିକ ବା ରାଜନୈତିକ କର୍ମୀ ନଥିଲେ । ସେ କନ୍ନଡ଼ ଭାଷା, ସାହିତ୍ୟ ଓ ସାଂସ୍କୃତିକ ଇତିହାସର ଜଣେ ଦରଦୀ ବ୍ୟାଖାକାର ଥିଲେ । ସେ ଭାଷାବିଜ୍ଞାନ, ଇତିହାସ ଓ ସାହିତ୍ୟର ସନ୍ଧି କ୍ଷେତ୍ରରେ, କନ୍ନଡ଼ ଭାଷାରେ ହିଁ, ଅନେକ ଗୁରୁତ୍ତ୍ୱପୂର୍ଣ କାମ କରିଯାଇଛନ୍ତି । ପ୍ରାଚୀନ କନ୍ନଡ଼ ସାହିତ୍ୟର ଆଲୋଚନାରେ ତାଙ୍କର ନାମ ଆଗ ଧାଡ଼ିର ଗବେଷକ ଯଥା ଏ.କେ. ରାମାନୁଜନ୍ ଓ ଡି. ନାଗରାଜ୍ ଇତ୍ୟାଦି ମାନଙ୍କ ସହିତ ନିଆଯାଏମାତ୍ର ଏହି ଦୁଇଜଣଙ୍କ ପରି, ତାଙ୍କର ବିଦେଶୀ ଅନୁଷ୍ଠାନମାନଙ୍କ ସହିତ ବେଶୀ ଘନିଷ୍ଠ ସମ୍ପର୍କ ନଥିଲା । ପୁରାପୁରି ଦେଶୀ ଶିକ୍ଷା ଲାଭ କରି, ଦେଶୀ ଅନୁଷ୍ଠାନମାନଙ୍କରେ କାମ କରି, ଦେଶୀୟ ଭାଷାରେ ସେ ଆନ୍ତର୍ଜାତୀୟ ସ୍ତରର କାମ କରିଯାଇଛନ୍ତି । ଯଦି ସେ ଏହି କାମକୁ ଏକ ବିଦେଶୀ ଭାଷାରେ କରି ଥାଆନ୍ତେ, ତାହା ହେଲେ, ତାଙ୍କୁ ବୋଧେ ହୁଏ ଆତତାୟୀ ହାତରେ ମୃତ୍ୟୁବରଣ କରିବାକୁ ପଡି ନ ଥାଆନ୍ତା । କନ୍ନଡ଼ ଭାଷାରେ ମାର୍ଗ ନାମରେ ଚାରି ଖଣ୍ଡରେ ବାହାରିଥିବା ତାଙ୍କର ପ୍ରବନ୍ଧ ସଙ୍କଳନ କନ୍ନଡ଼ ବିଚାର ଜଗତ ପ୍ରତି ଏକ ଗୁରୁତ୍ତ୍ୱପୂର୍ଣ ଅବଦାନ ଅଟେ । ଏହି ସଙ୍କଳନର ଚତୁର୍ଥ ଖଣ୍ଡ ସାହିତ୍ୟ ଏକାଡେମୀ ଦ୍ୱାରା ୨୦୦୬ ମସିହାରେ ପୁରସ୍କୃତ ମଧ୍ୟ ହୋଇଛି ।

କନ୍ନଡ଼ ବଚନ ସାହିତ୍ୟର ତାଳପତ୍ରରେ ଅଙ୍କିତ ପ୍ରତି (ଫଟୋ କ୍ରେଡ଼ିଟ୍ - ୱିକିମିଡିଆ କମନ୍ସ୍)

ବଚନ ସାହିତ୍ୟ କନ୍ନଡ଼ ସାହିତ୍ୟ ଓ ସଂସ୍କୃତିକୁ  ଲିଙ୍ଗାୟତ ଧାର୍ମିକ ପରମ୍ପରାର ଏକ ବଳିଷ୍ଠ ଅବଦାନଶ୍ରୀ କଳବର୍ଗୀ ହମ୍ପି ସ୍ଥିତ କନ୍ନଡ଼ ବିଶ୍ୱବିଦ୍ୟାଳୟର ଉପ-କୁଳପତି ଥିବା ସମୟରେ (ଓ ତାହା ପରେ  ମଧ୍ୟ) କନ୍ନଡ଼ ପୁସ୍ତକ ପ୍ରାଧିକରଣ ପାଇଁ ବଚନ ସାହିତ୍ୟର ଏକ ପନ୍ଦର ଖଣ୍ଡର ସଙ୍କଳନର ସମ୍ପାଦନା କରିଥିଲେ । ବଡ଼ ବଡ଼ କେନ୍ଦ୍ରୀୟ ବିଶ୍ୱବିଦ୍ୟାଳୟର ବାହାରେ ରହି (ସେ ପ୍ରାୟତଃ ଧାର୍ୱାଡ୍ ସ୍ଥିତ କର୍ଣାଟକ ବିଶ୍ୱବିଦ୍ୟାଳୟଠାରେ ଅବସ୍ଥିତ ଥିଲେ), ଅଧ୍ୟାପନା କରି, ଗବେଷଣା ପାଇଁ ଅନ୍ୟର ଅର୍ଥ ଉପରେ ନିର୍ଭର ନ କରି ଓ ଭଲ ପାଠାଗାର ଇତ୍ୟାଦି ଆନୁଷଙ୍ଗିକ ସୁବିଧା ନ ଥାଇ ମଧ୍ୟ ନିଜର ଭାଷା ଓ ପରମ୍ପରା ପାଇଁ ଶୁଦ୍ଧ ଶ୍ରଦ୍ଧା ଦ୍ୱାରା ଅନୁପ୍ରାଣିତ ହୋଇ ସେ ଗବେଷଣାର ମହାନ କୃତିଟିମାନ ଛାଡ଼ି ଯାଇଛନ୍ତି ।

ଏପରି ଜଣେ ଗବେଷକଙ୍କର ହତ୍ୟା ଆମକୁ ଏହି ବିଷୟରେ ଚେତାଉଛି ଯେ ଭାରତରେ ମାନବବାଦର ସଙ୍କଟ ମାନବ ବିଜ୍ଞାନର ମଧ୍ୟ ଏକ ସଙ୍କଟ । ବର୍ତ୍ତମାନ ପ୍ରାକ୍-ଆଧୁନିକ କାଳର ଆଲୋଚନା ନିମନ୍ତେ ଆମ ପାଖରେ ଦକ୍ଷତାର ଘୋର ଅଭାବ । ଉଦାହରଣ ସ୍ୱରୂପ, ଓଡିଆ ଭାଷାରେ ମଧ୍ୟଯୁଗୀୟ ଗ୍ରନ୍ଥର ପୋଥି ପଢି, ପାଠ ଉଦ୍ଧାର ସାରି ତର୍ଜମା କଲା ଭଳି ପାଣ୍ଡିତ୍ୟ ଚାଳିଶି ବର୍ଷ ବୟସରୁ କମ୍ ବର୍ଷ ବୟସର ବହୁତ କମ୍ ଲୋକଙ୍କ ପାଖରେ ଅଛି । ଭାରତର ମଧ୍ୟଯୁଗ ଏ ପର୍ଯ୍ୟନ୍ତ ପୁରାପୁରି ଇତିହାସ ପାଲଟି ନାହିଁ । ଆମର ବର୍ତ୍ତମାନର ରାଜନୈତିକ ଓ ସାମାଜିକ ଜୀବନର ଅନେକ ଗୁରୁତ୍ତ୍ୱପୂର୍ଣ ବିଭାବର ମୂଳ ମଧ୍ୟଯୁଗୀୟ । ତାହା ହେଲେ, ମଧ୍ୟଯୁଗୀୟ ଶାସ୍ତ୍ର ଆଲୋଚନା ନିମନ୍ତେ ଆବଶ୍ୟକୀୟ ମାନବ ବିଜ୍ଞାନର କୌଶଳରେ ଦକ୍ଷତା ବିନା ଆମେ ଆମର ପରମ୍ପରାକୁ ଓ ଇତିହାସକୁ ନେଇ ଘୃଣା ଓ ଭୟର ରାଜନୀତି କରୁଥିବା ବଦମାସ ଅର୍ଧ-ଶିକ୍ଷିତ ଗୁଣ୍ଡାମାନଙ୍କ ସହିତ ଲଢ଼ିବା କେଉଁ ଭିତ୍ତିରେ ।

ଭାରତରେ ମାନବବାଦର ସଙ୍କଟର ଆଉ ଏକ ଦିଗ ହେଲା ଜ୍ଞାନ ଚର୍ଚ୍ଚା ଓ ସାଂସ୍କୃତିକ କର୍ମକୁ ନିଜର ସ୍ୱଜାତୀୟ ମାନବବାଦର ପରମ୍ପରାର ପରିପ୍ରେକ୍ଷୀରେ ନ ଦେଖି ପାଶ୍ଚାତ୍ୟମୁଖୀ ହେବା ।  ପାଶ୍ଚାତ୍ୟରେ ମାନବବାଦର ଉଦ୍ଭବ ଏକ ନିର୍ଦିଷ୍ଟ ସାମାଜିକ ପରିପ୍ରେକ୍ଷୀରେ ହୋଇଥିଲା । ଚତୁର୍ଦ୍ଦଶରୁ ସପ୍ତଦଶ ଶତାବ୍ଦୀ ମଧ୍ୟରେ ଧର୍ମ ସହିତ ରାଷ୍ଟ୍ରର ଯେଉଁ ସଙ୍ଘର୍ଷ ହେଲା, ସେଥିରେ ବ୍ୟକ୍ତି ସ୍ୱାଧୀନତାର ପକ୍ଷ ନେଉଥିବା ଲୋକେ ରାଷ୍ଚ୍ର ସପକ୍ଷରେ ଥିଲେ । ମାତ୍ର ଭାରତୀୟ ଉପମହାଦେଶରେ ମାନବବାଦର ଆଧୁନିକ ରୂପ, ନିଜର ଔପନିବେଶିକ ବିରୋଧି ଚରିତ୍ର ଯୋଗୁଁ, ରାଷ୍ଟ୍ର ବିରୋଧି । ଏହି କାରଣରୁ, ଭାରତୀୟ ମାନବବାଦ ଧର୍ମ କିମ୍ବା ପରମ୍ପରା ବିରୋଧୀ ନୁହେଁ । ବିବେକାନନ୍ଦ ଓ ଗାନ୍ଧୀ ଏହାର ବଳିଷ୍ଠ ଉଦାହରଣ । 

ତେଣୁ ଭାରତୀୟ ମାନବବାଦୀ ଧର୍ମବିରୋଧୀ ହେବା ପାଇଁ ବାଧ୍ୟ ନୁହେଁ । ପାଶ୍ଚାତ୍ୟ ସମାଜଶାସ୍ତ୍ରର ଆଲୋଚନାରେ ଅର୍ଥୋପ୍ରାକ୍ସି ଓ ଅର୍ଥୋଡକ୍ସୀ ଭିତରେ ଏକ ତଫାତ୍ କରାଯାଏ । ଅର୍ଥୋଡୋକ୍ସି ବୋଇଲେ ଡକ୍ସା (ବିଶ୍ୱାସ ବା ଚିନ୍ତା) କୁ ନେଇ ରକ୍ଷଣଶୀଳତା । ଅର୍ଥୋପ୍ରାକ୍ସି ବୋଇଲେ ନିର୍ଦ୍ଦିଷ୍ଟ ଆଚରଣ ବା ଅଭ୍ୟାସର ପରମ୍ପରାକୁ ରକ୍ଷଣଶୀଳ ଭାବରେ ବଜାୟ ରଖିବାକୁ ବୁଝାଏ । ଭାରତୀୟ ଜୀବନଚର୍ଯ୍ୟା ଓ ସାଂସ୍କୃତିକ ଧାରା ଆଚରଣକୁ ନେଇ ରକ୍ଷଣଶୀଳ, ମାତ୍ର ଚିନ୍ତା ବା ତଥାକଥିତ ବିଶ୍ୱାସକୁ ନେଇ ନୁହେଁ । ଅର୍ଥାତ୍, ସ୍ୱାଧୀନଚିନ୍ତା ପାଇଁ ହତ୍ୟା ବା ଅତ୍ୟାଚାରର ପରମ୍ପରା ଅଣଭାରତୀୟ । ଭାରତରେ ଏହି ନିକଟ ଅତୀତରେ ଘଟିଯାଇଥିବା ହତ୍ୟାଗୁଡ଼ିକୁ ନେଇ ମାନବ ଅଧିକାରର ହନନର ଏକ ଆଖ୍ୟାନର ମଧ୍ୟ ନିର୍ମାଣର ଚେଷ୍ଟା ହୋଇଛି । ମାତ୍ର ଭାରତୀୟ ମାନବବାଦର ପରମ୍ପରା ଆଉ ପାଶ୍ଚାତ୍ୟ ମାନବବାଦର ପରମ୍ପରା ମଧ୍ୟରେ ଆଉ ଏକ ଗୁରୁତ୍ତ୍ୱପୂର୍ଣ ପ୍ରଭେଦ ହେଲା ଏହିକି ଯେ, ଆମର ମାନବବାଦର ଧାରା ଅଧିକାର-ଭିତ୍ତିକ ନୁହେଁ । ଆମର ମାନବବାଦର ଧାରା ସାମୁହିକତାର ପରିଭାଷା-ଭିତ୍ତିକ ଓ ସ୍ୱ ଓ ଅପର ମଧ୍ୟରେ ଆଦାନ ପ୍ରଦାନ ଉପରେ ଆଧାରିତ ଅଟେ ।

ସିରିଆରେ ଗୃହଯୁଦ୍ଧ ଓ ତାହା ପରର ଶରଣାର୍ଥୀ ସଙ୍କଟ ପ୍ରତି ପାଶ୍ଚାତ୍ୟ ଦେଶ ଓ ସମାଜ ଗୁଡ଼ିକର ଉପେକ୍ଷାର ମନୋବୃତ୍ତିରୁ ପାଶ୍ଚାତ୍ୟ ମାନବବାଦର ଫମ୍ପାପଣ ଜଣା ପଡ଼ୁଛି । ଭାରତୀୟ ମାନବବାଦର ପରମ୍ପରାରୁ ପାଶ୍ଚାତ୍ୟ ଦେଶମାନଙ୍କର ଅନେକ କିଛି ଶିଖିବାର ଅଛି। ଆମର ମାନବବାଦର ପରମ୍ପରା  ପାଶ୍ଚାତ୍ୟ ମାନବବାଦର ପରମ୍ପରା ଭଳି ଏକ ସ୍ୱତନ୍ତ୍ର ପରମ୍ପରା । ଆମର ଚତୁର୍ପାଶ୍ୱର ଘଟଣାବଳୀକୁ ଆମେ ନିଜର ପରମ୍ପରାର କଷଟି ପଥରରେ ପରଖି ପାରିଲେ ଆମର ଅନୁଭୁତି ତଥା ଅବବୋଧ ଅଧିକ ଶାଣିତ ହେବ ଓ ଆମେ ନିଜର ପରିବେଶର ଉପଯୋଗୀ କର୍ତ୍ତବ୍ୟ କର୍ମ କରିପାରିବା ।  

ବି.ଦ୍ର. - ଏହି ଲେଖାଟି ଏକ ସାମାନ୍ୟ ଭିନ୍ନ ରୂପରେ ଦୈନିକ ସମାଜର ସମ୍ପାଦକୀୟ ପୃଷ୍ଠାରେ ଖବରକାଗଜର ୨୦ ଅକ୍ଟୋବର ୨୦୧୫ ସଂସ୍କରଣରେ ପ୍ରକାଶିତ ହୋଇଥିଲା ।  ଲେଖାଟିର ସର୍ବସତ୍ତ୍ୱ ଲେଖକଙ୍କଠାରେ ସଂରକ୍ଷିତ ।

There are no places to get lost in anymore Sailen Routray Photographic art based on pastel chalks Photo credit: Wikimedia Commons/Dietmar Ra...